Afghan hashish trade
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| From | Bukhara, Afghanistan |
|---|---|
| By way of | Kabul or Kandahar (city) |
| To | Peshawar, Dera Ismail Khan, Shikarpur (Sindh) |
| How it travelled | Overland |
| What moved | Charas, Hashish |
|---|---|
| Carried by | Kabuli and Powindah traders in the 19th century; smugglers of the North-West Frontier in the 1920s to 1940s; Afghan and foreign smugglers from the 1970s |
| Scale | 1,500 to 3,500 tonnes of potential resin production in 2009 (UNODC survey estimate) |
| Active | 1870s to the present |
|---|---|
| Status | Still in use |
| Legal status | Changed over time |
The Afghan hashish trade is the trade in cannabis resin, called charas in Afghanistan and South Asia, carried out of and through Afghanistan to the markets around it. In the 1880s charas from Bukhara reached British India through Kabul to Peshawar and through Kandahar to Shikarpur in Sind.[1] Between the 1920s and the 1940s charas was also smuggled across the North-West Frontier, much of it from Chinese Turkestan through Afghanistan. After Xinjiang stopped its exports of charas from Yarkand, an inferior "garda charas" came from Gardez.[2] From the 1970s Afghan resin was exported to Europe and North America. For about ten years Afghanistan, with Pakistan and Lebanon, was a major supplier of the European market.[3]: 59
In reports to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) for 2013 to 2017, Afghanistan was the country most often named as the origin of seized resin after Morocco. Its resin went mainly to the Near and Middle East and South-West Asia.[4]: 16–17 The International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) reported in 2025 that resin from Afghanistan was trafficked mainly through Central Asia, to markets in that region and in the Russian Federation.[5]: para. 868 The Taliban authorities that took power in 2021 banned cannabis cultivation by a decree of 8 March 2023.[6]: para. 285
Names
Afghans distinguish garda, the resin powder obtained by sieving, from charas, the powder pressed into a block.[3]: 43 The word charas is pronounced chaars in Afghanistan. James Bradford and David Mansfield write that it is believed to come from the Persian word for the leather pouch in which the resin is cured.[7]: para. 6 In British India the imported drug was sold as Bokhara charas or Yarkand charas. Charas from Yengi Hissar, the best of the kinds made in Eastern Turkestan, was often sent through Khokand to Bokhara and imported into India with the Bokhara charas under its name.[1] The government of India's reports of the 1930s and 1940s called an inferior charas smuggled from Afghanistan "garda charas".[2]
The route to British India
Kabul, Kandahar and the frontier
In the early 1870s the leases for the retail sale of drugs in the Punjab in many cases covered charas brought from Yarkand by way of Kangra and from Kabul by way of Peshawar and Dera Ismail Khan.[8]: 63 The charas came in under import passes. Importers could sell it only to licensed retail dealers.[8]: 67 In the early 1880s Dera Ismail Khan was one of the two largest importing districts, taking in the charas "from Afghanistan and the countries beyond", while Amritsar was the depot for the Yarkand trade.[8]: 76–77
The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, summarising a letter of 1881 from the British Joint Commissioner in Ladakh, wrote that the charas of Eastern Turkestan was regarded as inferior "to the charas of Bokhara, which is carried through Kabul to Peshawar, and through Kandahar (in ordinary times) to Shikarpur in Sind".[1] Captain Ramsay, Joint Commissioner in 1888, wrote that it "grows at Bokhara and other places in Turkestan", but that he had been told the Russians had prohibited its cultivation in their dominions, so that supplies came "almost entirely from Yarkand territory".[9]
The Commission found in 1894 that the bulk of India's charas came from Yarkand through the Himalayan passes, "or to a much smaller degree from other parts of Central Asia through the routes on the frontier of Afghanistan".[10] The Punjab's returns of external trade showed the Kabul route in use, though apparently no imports by it were registered in 1890–91 or 1891–92. No drug was shown crossing the western frontier from Sewestan or the north-western frontier from Bajaur, except what came from Kabul.[11] J. R. Drummond, Deputy Commissioner of Gurgaon, told the Commission that he believed Chinese trade policy had reduced the Ladakh trade in 1883 and that "now the trade is principally, I think, through Afghanistan". He thought the Amir, Abdur Rahman, had "lately exercised a monopoly of the export trade to India from his territories". He remembered that the Amir had a charas agent at Delhi in 1890.[12]: 384 Bradford and Mansfield write that Abdur Rahman lowered the taxes on exports to profit from the demand in British India, and that most of the charas and opium in the markets of the North-West Frontier came from Afghan traders.[7]: para. 7
Caravans and Kabuli traders
Part of the charas came with the Powindah caravans, which carried a transit trade between Afghanistan and India through the Gomal, Zao and other passes of Zhob. The centres of the Powindah trade were Bokhara, Kabul, Kandahar and Ghazni. From Bokhara came silk, charas and gold and silver thread. An estimate from the gazetteer of Dera Ismail Khan, quoted in the Zhob gazetteer of 1907, put the charas at Rs 1,00,000 a year out of imports worth Rs 21,95,000.[13]: 200–201
Afghan traders also carried charas inland. In Rajputana the trade was mostly in the hands of travelling Kabulis, known there as Vilayatis.[14] In Malwa too charas was for the most part imported from the Punjab by Kabul traders.[15] In Sind the drug was said to come from Afghanistan, Yarkand and Khorassan, but the Commission had no information of any direct import over the Sind frontier; Amritsar seemed to be the source of supply.[16]
Duty and the Afghan import
A proposal of 1881–82 to put an import duty on charas in the Punjab was dropped. Sir Robert Egerton would not advocate it, since the drug was "a convenient article of merchandise for transport over mountainous roads" and its use in the Punjab was not increasing.[8]: 76 When the Commission took evidence, a duty on drugs brought into India by land was under consideration. G. M. Ogilvie, the officiating Second Financial Commissioner, told the Commission that he favoured "taxing the charas coming from Afghanistan on the frontier, the object being to discourage, as far as possible, the import from that direction". For the Yarkand charas, whose trade it was "the policy to foster", he thought it might be necessary to collect the tax where the drug was sold, since the Yarkandi traders had said they could not pay a duty on the frontier.[17]: 360–361
Smuggling into British India, 1920s to 1940s
Amanullah's penal code
The Penal Code of 1924–25 issued by Amanullah Khan (1919–1928) placed a tax of 50 per cent on the distribution of charas and bhang inside Afghanistan and allowed users to be punished with up to 39 lashes. At the same time he reduced the taxes on exports of cannabis and opium and exempted traders from the code's punishments as long as their goods were bound for markets abroad. Bradford and Mansfield link the growth of smuggling to these policies. They write that drugs produced in British India were so heavily taxed that they could not compete with cannabis and opium smuggled from Afghanistan, and that the smuggling of Afghan hashish became a growing problem for the British authorities.[7]: para. 8
Chitral, Peshawar and Bajaur
In 1926 a warehouse was set up at Chitral and the preventive staff of the North-West Frontier Province was strengthened, "with a view to stop the smuggling of charas from Central Asia via Chitral".[2] In 1928 charas was among the goods brought into Chitral from Badakhshan.[18] In 1930, 334 maunds 17 seers of charas were imported in bond from Chitral into the Punjab and 134 maunds 13 seers into Peshawar.[2]
In 1928, to undercut the smugglers, the duty on charas in the Punjab, Baluchistan, the North-West Frontier Province and Delhi was cut from Rs 60 to Rs 20 a seer, and the excise staff of Baluchistan was strengthened against the smuggling of opium and charas "from across the foreign territories".[2] Exports of charas from Xinjiang nearly doubled from 1927 to 1928. Hermann Kreutzmann attributes the rise to the cut, which he writes was meant to end a "smuggling triangle", in which charas went from Xinjiang to Afghanistan and from there reached British India at a substantial profit.[19]: 80
In 1932 there was "a considerable amount of smuggling of charas across the Peshawar border and through the Kohat Pass". In 1933 the Punjab kept a special staff of excise officials to stop charas passing from Afghanistan and the North-West Frontier Province towards the United Provinces. The report for 1934 said that charas was smuggled in "by trans-border Pathans or through the Tribal Territory in Kohat Pass" and that the traffickers obtained it at Kashgar. Its distribution was centred in Bajaur, to which it was brought from Chinese Turkistan through Afghan territory. Illicit charas sold that year at Rs 10 to 120 a seer wholesale and Rs 26 to 300 retail. It was usually adulterated with other matter by about 20 to 25 per cent.[2]
Gardez and the end of the colonial trade
The Central Charas (Import by Land) Rules came into force on 1 October 1935 and allowed charas to be imported only by prescribed routes and under authorisation.[2] Xinjiang's prohibition of exports cut off the supply from Kashgar and Yarkand over the following years. The report for 1935 was the first to mention garda charas: "the garda charas, which was of inferior quality, was also smuggled from Gardez, in Afghanistan". By 1938 trade in charas on a large scale had ceased and the smugglers had turned to opium from Afghanistan and the tribal territory. In 1941 and 1942 a few cases of garda charas from the tribal territory were detected. Small, heavily adulterated quantities were said to be coming from the Afghan border.[2]
In 1944 garda charas was smuggled "on a fairly extensive scale" into the North-West Frontier Province and Baluchistan from Afghanistan and the tribal territory, where it was produced or stored after being brought from Gardez, and sold at Rs 75 to 350 a seer wholesale and Rs 90 to 735 retail. The report for 1945 said that garda charas was made "by various artificial means from the hemp plant growing wild in mountainous regions" and that smuggling from Gardez was "quite common". By 1953 India and Pakistan, independent since 1947, both prohibited the traffic. The United Nations Secretariat concluded in 1953 that a little inferior charas was still smuggled into India from Afghanistan and Nepal, but that "the great charas traffic is now extinct".[2]
Export to the West, 1960s and 1970s
In the 1960s many travellers on the Hippie Trail stopped in Afghanistan for its cheap and plentiful hashish. Cannabis and hashish were illegal, but the authorities rarely enforced the law. Teahouses (saqikhana) serving only charas users could be found in Kandahar, Herat and Mazar-i-Sharif. American consular officials estimated that up to 25 kinds of hashish were on sale in the country's markets. Bradford and Mansfield, following Robert Connell Clarke, write that by the end of the decade Afghanistan was one of the world's main sources of top-quality hashish.[7]: paras. 9–10
Bradford and Mansfield date the growth of a trafficking trade to the 1970s. The thirteen people arrested in a raid on a Kabul hotel in May 1970 were, in their account, not hippies but "a new professional class of traffickers", and Afghanistan "evolved from a drug destination to a drug-trafficking hub". European traffickers held the Brotherhood of Eternal Love most responsible for the changes; its members were said to pay double or triple the amount for a gram of hashish, well above its market value. To raise the volume some traffickers mixed lower grades of resin with better ones, and others added oils. Traffickers also paid for tractors and fertiliser and provided metal sieves, which some producers took up in place of cloth ones.[7]: paras. 11–12 The European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA), citing Clarke, describes resin making in Afghanistan, Nepal and Pakistan changing in the 1970s from "a cottage industry geared to supplying local and neighbouring long-standing 'traditional' markets" into a commercial enterprise aimed at large-scale export, especially to Europe and North America. Afghanistan, Pakistan and Lebanon were major suppliers to Europe for about ten years before Moroccan resin arrived in quantity in the early 1980s.[3]: 59
By the mid-1970s the cultivation of drug plants and the sale of any intoxicant were prohibited in Afghanistan. Asad Hassan Gobar, of the University of Kabul, wrote in 1976 that "it appears that most of the opium and cannabis leaks out of the country through co-operation between Afghan and foreign smugglers". By an official announcement, 3,738 kg of cannabis and 76 kg of liquid hashish were seized from smugglers arranging transport abroad between July 1973 and November 1974.[20] Hashish stayed in demand after the Soviet–Afghan War began in 1979.[7]: para. 13
Present day
Production and the main markets
The Taliban banned cannabis early in their first period of rule, before their ban on opium of 2000–01. The cannabis ban appears to have been effective where they held power. After their fall in 2001 cultivation resumed in Balkh and Baghlan in the north, Nangarhar in the east and Kandahar and Uruzgan in the south.[7]: paras. 14, 19 For 2003 the Afghan authorities reported 52,000 hectares under cannabis and estimated production at 4,420 tonnes of resin, of which they said 5 per cent was consumed in the country and the rest exported. The UNODC reported that the trafficking of resin had increased, the product going mainly to central Pakistan, often by way of Peshawar, and to Iran and Central Asia (Tajikistan and Turkmenistan). Resin from the northern provinces moved through Ghor to Iran. Resin from the north, the north-east and Paktya, Logar and Kapisa to the markets of Peshawar. Some resin from Afghanistan and Pakistan also went to Canada and to Eastern Africa.[21]: 89
In 2009 most farmers sold the resin powder to traders, though some made it into hashish themselves.[22]: 23 During that year's survey, the first carried out by the UNODC and Afghanistan's Ministry of Counter Narcotics, informants reported trading centres in the north, the north-east, the east, the centre, the south and the west of the country.[22]: 35 In his commentary on the survey the UNODC's executive director placed the hubs of the trade in Balkh, Uruzgan and Kandahar provinces and said that the main flows followed the opium trafficking routes.[22]: 5 In 2009 the wholesale price of the best hashish in Peshawar, US$253 a kilogram, was over three times the price that village headmen reported at the farm gate.[22]: 40 In 2010 it was US$531, over six times the farm-gate price of the resin powder.[23]: 41 In 2009 Pakistan assessed the share of its seized resin that came from Afghanistan at 98 per cent.[24]: 200 Iran reported that its seizures came partly from Afghanistan and partly from Pakistan, so that some Afghan resin seemed to reach Iran by way of Pakistan, although Pakistan's individual seizures gave no sign of shipments bound for Iran.[23]: 44 Bradford and Mansfield report that in the autumn of 2018 growing amounts of charas from Nangarhar and from Andarab in Baghlan were being smuggled across Afghanistan's eastern border.[7]: para. 24
In 2013 to 2017 Afghan resin went mainly to the Near and Middle East and South-West Asia and was also found in Central Asia, Eastern Europe and Western and Central Europe. In those years 14 per cent of the resin seized in Western and Central Europe was reported as Afghan.[4]: 17 Iran reported that the resin found in Iran came mainly from Afghanistan, followed by Pakistan, and that some 65 per cent of it was bound for the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, 15 per cent for the Caucasus and about 20 per cent for use in Iran.[25]: 73 Small amounts of Afghan resin also reach Iraq through the Kurdistan Region.[26]: 21
How large the trade is
| Year | Area | Resin (potential production) | Source |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2003 | 52,000 ha | 4,420 t | the Afghan authorities' estimate[21]: 89 |
| 2009 | 10,000–24,000 ha | 1,500–3,500 t | UNODC and Ministry of Counter Narcotics survey[22]: 5, 7 |
| 2010 | 9,000–29,000 ha | 1,200–3,700 t | UNODC and Ministry of Counter Narcotics survey[23]: 7 |
| 2011 | 12,000 ha (8,000–17,000) | 1,300 t (1,000–1,900) | UNODC and Ministry of Counter Narcotics survey[27]: 7 |
| 2012 | 10,000 ha (7,000–14,000) | 1,400 t (900–1,900) | UNODC and Ministry of Counter Narcotics survey[28]: 6 |
The survey of 2009 found a yield of 145 kg of resin a hectare, against about 40 kg in Morocco. Its commentary called Afghanistan "the world's biggest producer of hashish".[22]: 5 Bradford and Mansfield judge this "a bold claim with little evidence to support it". From 2009 to 2011 the survey combined several methods and produced a wide range of estimates. Citing a former British official, Bradford and Mansfield write that concerns over its results led to the survey being abandoned.[7]: paras. 15, 17 The survey of 2011 itself warned that Afghanistan's importance as a producer did not necessarily make it the main supplier of the large markets of North Africa, Europe and South-West Asia, though its relative importance might be growing, and that seizure data implied that not all the resin trafficked in South-West Asia came from Afghanistan.[27]: 7 The EMCDDA found in 2012 that European countries named Afghanistan as a source of resin ten times and Morocco 61 times in their reports for 2007 to 2009, and that there was "very little evidence to suggest that Afghan-produced resin is widely available on the European market". It suggested that some Afghan charas might reach the European Union through Turkey and the Balkans.[3]: 61–62, 230
Under the Taliban since 2021
In April 2022 the Taliban authorities announced a "strict ban" on opium poppy and on the use of and trafficking in "all types of illicit drugs", which a spokesperson said included cannabis resin.[29]: para. 359 The INCB reported that seizures by Tajikistan and Uzbekistan since August 2021 showed larger amounts of opiates and resin in each consignment. Using the UNODC's prices for 2021, it found resin production still highly profitable in Afghanistan, bringing as much as $7,400 a hectare.[29]: paras. 807–808 The decree of 8 March 2023 banned cannabis cultivation: the plants were to be destroyed and growers punished under sharia law. The price of high-quality resin in Afghanistan appears to have risen by 10 per cent after it.[6]: paras. 285–286 The INCB reported that resin seizures in Afghanistan fell from 422 tonnes in 2020 to 159 tonnes in 2021 and 10.7 tonnes in 2022.[6]: para. 846[5]: para. 867 In 2024 Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan reported major seizures of resin, which the INCB took as a sign that smuggling from Afghanistan was continuing.[30]: para. 616
See also
References
- ↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894). Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893–94. Vol. I: Report. Simla: Government Central Printing Office. ch. VII, "Trade and movement of the hemp drugs", paras. 293–295, pp. 111–112 – via Internet Archive.
- ↑ 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 United Nations Secretariat (1953). "The surprising extinction of the charas traffic". Bulletin on Narcotics (1). United Nations: 1–7.
- ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (2012). Cannabis Production and Markets in Europe. EMCDDA Insights 12. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities. doi:10.2810/52425. ISBN 978-92-9168-502-8.
- ↑ 4.0 4.1 United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (June 2019). World Drug Report 2019. Booklet 5: Cannabis and Hallucinogens (PDF) (Report). Vienna: United Nations. ISBN 978-92-1-148314-7.
- ↑ 5.0 5.1 International Narcotics Control Board (2025). Report of the International Narcotics Control Board for 2024 (PDF) (Report). Vienna: United Nations. ISBN 978-92-1-003415-9. E/INCB/2024/1.
- ↑ 6.0 6.1 6.2 International Narcotics Control Board (2024). Report of the International Narcotics Control Board for 2023 (PDF) (Report). Vienna: United Nations. ISBN 978-92-1-003052-6. E/INCB/2023/1.
- ↑ 7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5 7.6 7.7 7.8 Bradford, James; Mansfield, David (2019). "Known Unknowns and Unknown Knowns: What we know about the cannabis and the Hashish trade in Afghanistan". EchoGéo. 48. doi:10.4000/echogeo.17626.
- ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 A History of the Excise System in the Punjab (1846–1884). Lahore: Superintendent, Government Printing, Punjab. 1931 – via Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics.
- ↑ Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894). Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893–94, Vol. I: Report. Simla: Government Central Printing Office. ch. VII, pp. 113–114 – via Internet Archive.
- ↑ Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894). Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893–94. Vol. I: Report. Simla: Government Central Printing Office. ch. XIV, "The policy of hemp drug administration", paras. 564–567, pp. 272–273 – via Internet Archive.
- ↑ Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894). Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893–94. Vol. I: Report. Simla: Government Central Printing Office. ch. VII, "Trade and movement of the hemp drugs", paras. 299–301, pp. 113–115 – via Internet Archive.
- ↑ Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894). "Evidence of Mr. J. R. Drummond, Deputy Commissioner, Gurgaon". Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893–94. Vol. V: Evidence of Witnesses from North-Western Provinces and Oudh and Punjab. Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing, India. witness no. 13, pp. 383–384 – via Internet Archive.
- ↑ Minchin, C. F., ed. (1907). Baluchistan District Gazetteer Series, Vol. I: Zhob District. Bombay: Bombay Education Society's Press – via Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics.
- ↑ Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894). Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893–94. Vol. I: Report. Simla: Government Central Printing Office. ch. VII, "Trade and movement of the hemp drugs", para. 330, p. 123 – via Internet Archive.
- ↑ Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894). Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893–94. Vol. I: Report. Simla: Government Central Printing Office. ch. VII, "Trade and movement of the hemp drugs", para. 331, p. 125 – via Internet Archive.
- ↑ Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894). Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893–94. Vol. I: Report. Simla: Government Central Printing Office. ch. VII, "Trade and movement of the hemp drugs", paras. 319–322, pp. 120–121 – via Internet Archive.
- ↑ Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894). "Evidence of Mr. G. M. Ogilvie, Officiating Second Financial Commissioner". Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893–94. Vol. V: Evidence of Witnesses from North-Western Provinces and Oudh and Punjab. Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing, India. witness no. 2, pp. 359–361 – via Internet Archive.
- ↑ General Staff, India (1928). Military Report and Gazetteer on Chitral (PDF) (2nd ed.). Calcutta: Government of India Press. Retrieved 17 October 2026.
- ↑ Kreutzmann, Hermann (2026). "Hashish and opium trade along the roads to Kashgar and Yarkand". In Mirsultan, Aysima; Moll-Murata, Christine (eds.). Transactions in Xinjiang: Cultural, Socio-Economic, and Historical Sources on the Chinese Western Regions (1750–1976). Fachinformationsdienst (FID) Asien. pp. 77–85. doi:10.48796/20260409-006.
- ↑ Gobar, Asad Hassan (1976). "Drug abuse in Afghanistan". Bulletin on Narcotics (2). United Nations: 1–11.
- ↑ 21.0 21.1 United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (2006). "Review of the world cannabis situation" (PDF). Bulletin on Narcotics. LVIII (1 and 2). New York: United Nations (published 2008).
- ↑ 22.0 22.1 22.2 22.3 22.4 22.5 United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime; Ministry of Counter Narcotics, Government of Afghanistan (April 2010). Afghanistan Cannabis Survey 2009 (PDF) (Report). UNODC.
- ↑ 23.0 23.1 23.2 United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime; Ministry of Counter Narcotics, Government of Afghanistan (June 2011). Afghanistan Cannabis Survey 2010 (PDF) (Report). UNODC.
- ↑ United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (2011). World Drug Report 2011 (PDF) (Report). New York: United Nations. ISBN 978-92-1-148262-1.
- ↑ United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (June 2020). World Drug Report 2020. Booklet 3: Drug Supply (PDF) (Report). Vienna: United Nations. ISBN 978-92-1-148345-1.
- ↑ United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (July 2024). Drug Trafficking Dynamics across Iraq and the Middle East (2019–2023): Trends and Responses (PDF) (Report). UNODC. Retrieved 12 October 2026.
- ↑ 27.0 27.1 United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime; Ministry of Counter Narcotics, Government of Afghanistan (September 2012). Afghanistan: Survey of Commercial Cannabis Cultivation and Production 2011 (PDF) (Report). UNODC.
- ↑ United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime; Ministry of Counter Narcotics, Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (September 2013). Afghanistan: Survey of Commercial Cannabis Cultivation and Production 2012 (PDF) (Report). UNODC – via ReliefWeb.
- ↑ 29.0 29.1 International Narcotics Control Board (2023). Report of the International Narcotics Control Board for 2022 (PDF) (Report). Vienna: United Nations. ISBN 978-92-1-148370-3. E/INCB/2022/1.
- ↑ International Narcotics Control Board (2026). Report of the International Narcotics Control Board for 2025 (PDF) (Report). Vienna: United Nations. ISBN 978-92-1-154655-2. E/INCB/2025/1. Retrieved 14 October 2026.