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West Bengal

From Landrace.Wiki - The Landrace Cannabis Wiki


West Bengal
পশ্চিমবঙ্গ
State
West Bengal
General
Coordinates22.986800, 87.855000
CountryIndia
RegionEast India
PreviouslyBengal Province
Formed15 August 1947(by bifurcation)
Administration
CapitalKolkata
Largest metroKolkata Metropolitan Region
Districts0(5 divisions)
Demographics
Population(2026 est.)
TotalIncrease~106,031,000
Rank4th
Density1,194/km² (3,090/sq mi)
Urban31.87%
Rural68.13%
DemonymBengali
Geography
Area
Total88,752 km² (34,267 sq mi)
Rank13th
Dimensions
Length320 km (200 mi)
Width623 km (387 mi)
Highest elevation(Sandakphu)3,636 m (11,929 ft)
Lowest elevation(Bay of Bengal)0 m (0 ft)
Language
OfficialBengali, English
Additional officialNepali, Urdu, Hindi, Odia, Santali, Punjabi, Kamtapuri, Rajbanshi, Kurmali, Kurukh, Telugu
Official scriptBengali–Assamese script
Cannabis documentation
Growing regions3
Growing areas11
Appellations0
Accessions101
Eradication campaigns0
News items0
Research items0

West Bengal (পশ্চিমবঙ্গ, Pashchimbanga) is a state in eastern India. It had a population of over 91 million within an area of 88,752 km² (34,267 sq mi) as of the 2011 Census and is the fourth-most populous and thirteenth-largest state in India.[1] The state borders Bangladesh to the east, Nepal and Bhutan to the north and the Indian states of Sikkim, Assam, Bihar, Jharkhand and Odisha. The state capital is Kolkata, the third-largest urban agglomeration in India.[2] West Bengal extends from the Darjeeling Himalaya in the north through the Dooars piedmont and the Gangetic deltaic plain to the Sundarbans and the Bay of Bengal.[3] The state's main ethnic group are the Bengalis, with substantial Rajbanshi, Nepali, Santal, Oraon, Munda and Bodo communities concentrated in the northern and western districts.[4][5] At the time of writing, three landrace cannabis growing regions in the state are documented on this wiki: the Eastern Himalayas, The Dooars and the North Bengal Plains.

The earliest irrefutable Indian medical attestation of cannabis as an ingestible intoxicant is in the Cikitsāsārasaṃgraha of Vaṅgasena, a Bengali physician working in the late 11th century.[6] Bengali Śākta Tantric traditions codified between the 11th and 18th centuries integrated vijayā into ritual through texts including the Mahānirvāṇa Tantra, while the wandering Bāul-Fakir minstrel tradition documented from the 18th century consolidated gāñjā use within a syncretic Vaiṣṇava-Sahajiyā and Sufi-Fakir devotional frame.[7] Bengal entered European observation as a cannabis-using region through Garcia da Orta's 1563 Colóquios dos simples and Linschoten's 1596 Itinerario, with subsequent reports from Bowrey, Bernier, Tavernier and Manucci attesting bhāṅ, post and maʿjūn at the Mughal court and in the Nawabi towns of the Bengal sūbah.[8][9]

Under British colonial rule, the Bengal Presidency was the administrative and commercial centre of the Indian cannabis economy.[10] Regulation XXXIV of 1793, part of the Cornwallis Code, required a licence from the district collector for the manufacture or sale of bhang, ganja and charas, the first formal British excise framework for cannabis in India.[11] By the 1850s licensed cultivation had been consolidated into the Ganja Mahal, a tract centred on Naogaon in Rajshahi which operated under a three-circle rotation under the supervision of the Bengal Excise Department.[12] The princely state of Cooch Behar operated a parallel excise regime under the Cooch Behar Excise Act of 1878, procuring its ganja by import from Naogaon and distributing it through state-run golahs.[13] The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission of 1893-94 was seated in Calcutta; Volume IV of the seven-volume report is devoted to Bengal and Assam witnesses, the densest body of named Bengali testimony in any colonial-era source on cannabis. The Commission found that the moderate use of hemp drugs produced no injurious effect and rejected prohibition.[14]

The Radcliffe Line of 1947 placed the entire licensed Ganja Mahal in East Pakistan, severing the chasi cultivator tradition from the territory that became West Bengal.[15] The state retained the consumption markets, the urban vending infrastructure and the cultivator-descendant population of the Indian portion of the colonial cannabis economy but lost the licensed cultivation belt itself.[16] Cooch Behar State acceded to India in 1949 and merged into West Bengal as a district in 1950. Licensed retail of ganja, charas and bhang continued in the state under the Bengal Excise Act, 1909 until 11 December 1989, when state cannabis licensing ceased following the implementation of the NDPS Act of 1985.[17] The licit cannabis economy in West Bengal is now confined to bhang preparations, sold seasonally through long-established sharbat houses in central and North Kolkata.[18][19] Surviving cannabis cultivation occurs across two regionally distinct belts: the sub-Himalayan plains household belt across Cooch Behar, Jalpaiguri and Alipurduar, worked predominantly by Bengalis and Rajbanshi people; and the southwestern jungle belt across Bankura, Purulia, Jhargram and parts of Paschim Medinipur and Birbhum, drawn from the Santal, Munda and Bengali Hindu agrarian populations.[20]

Geography

Main articles: Geography of West Bengal and Climate of West Bengal

West Bengal is on the eastern bottleneck of India, stretching from the Himalayas in the north to the Bay of Bengal in the south. The state has a total area of 88,752 km² (34,267 sq mi).[1] The Darjeeling Himalaya in the northern extreme of the state is part of the eastern Himalaya range and contains Sandakphu (3,636 m), the highest point in the state.[21] The narrow Terai and Dooars belt separates the hills from the North Bengal Plains, which in turn transition into the Ganges Delta in the south. The lateritic Rarh intervenes between the delta in the east and the western plateau and highlands on the Chota Nagpur plateau fringe. A small coastal plain runs along the Purba Medinipur shoreline, while the Sundarbans mangrove forests form the seaward edge of the delta.[3] The Padma-Ganga and lower Bhagirathi floodplains, in Murshidabad, Malda, Nadia and the northern fringe of North 24 Parganas, supplied the agronomic foundation of the historical Bengal ganja economy (see History below).[original research?]

The main river is the Ganga, which divides into two branches at the Farakka Barrage. One branch enters Bangladesh as the Padma, while the other flows through West Bengal as the Bhagirathi and Hooghly River through Kolkata and Haldia to the Bay of Bengal.[3] Himalayan rivers including the Teesta, Torsa, Jaldhaka and Mahananda drain the northern districts. Peninsular rivers including the Damodar, Ajay and Kangsabati drain the Rarh. The Ganga delta and Sundarbans area carry a dense network of distributaries and tidal creeks.

West Bengal's climate varies from tropical wet-and-dry in the south to humid subtropical in the centre and subtropical highland in the Darjeeling and Kalimpong hills.[22] Four seasons are recognised: winter (December to February), pre-monsoon (March to May, with Kalbaishakhi or Nor'wester thunderstorms in the south), the southwest monsoon (June to September) and the retreating monsoon (October to November). The Bay of Bengal supplies the moisture and the Himalayas force orographic uplift, so rainfall increases northward and into the foothills; seventy-five to eighty per cent of annual rainfall falls during the southwest monsoon.[22] Tropical cyclones including Aila (2009), Amphan (2020) and Yaas (2021) periodically affect the deltaic and coastal districts.[citation needed]

Administrative subdivisions

West Bengal is administratively divided into 23 districts grouped under 5 divisions (Presidency, Burdwan, Medinipur, Malda and Jalpaiguri).[citation needed]

Currently documented on the wiki:

No districts documented yet.

Demographics

West Bengal's population spans Indo-Aryan, Austroasiatic, Dravidian and Tibeto-Burman linguistic communities and Hindu, Muslim, Christian and Buddhist religious populations. Bengali Hindu and Bengali Muslim communities dominate; substantial Adivasi populations occupy the southwestern plateau and the Dooars tea belt; indigenous Tibeto-Burman peoples and a Nepali (Gorkha) majority occupy the Darjeeling and Kalimpong hills. The 1947 Partition transformed both the religious balance of the state and the relationship between the state and the colonial cannabis cultivation belt.

Population

Nepali man holding a wooden chillum with a background of cannabis plants
Nepali man holding a wooden chillum with a background of cannabis plants in Alipurduar District

At the 2011 Census, West Bengal had a population of 91,276,115 in 88,752 km², a density of 1,028 persons per km² and the second highest among Indian states.[1][clarification needed] The state was 68.13 per cent rural and 31.87 per cent urban. Decadal growth from 2001 to 2011 was 13.84 per cent, below the national figure of 17.64 per cent. Census 2021 was deferred; mid-decade projections place the 2024–26 population at around 100 million.[citation needed]

Languages

The mother-tongue distribution was Bengali 86.22 per cent, Hindi 5.00 per cent, Santali 2.66 per cent, Urdu 1.82 per cent and Nepali 1.26 per cent.[4] Nepali is co-official in the Darjeeling and Kalimpong districts.[citation needed] Hindi, Odia, Punjabi, Santali (in Ol Chiki script) and Urdu were added by the 2012 amendment to the Official Languages Act; Kamtapuri, Kurmali and Rajbanshi by the 2018 amendment; and Telugu by Act VIII of 2021.[citation needed] The 2018 recognition of Rajbanshi and Kamtapuri followed long-running Koch-Rajbanshi linguistic mobilisation in north Bengal, led politically by the Kamtapur People's Party (founded 1996).[citation needed]

Religion

Feral cannabis growing next to a Shiva mandir on the banks of the Torsha river in West Bengal, India
Feral cannabis growing next to a Shiva mandir on the banks of the Torsha river near Madarihat

The 2011 religious profile was Hindu 70.54 per cent, Muslim 27.01 per cent, Christian 0.72 per cent, Buddhist 0.31 per cent, Sikh and Jain 0.14 per cent combined and Other Religions and Persuasions (predominantly Sarna and Sari Dharma) 1.03 per cent.[23] Shakta worship of Durga, Kali and Tara is prominent in Bengali Hinduism alongside Vaishnava lineages descending from Chaitanya Mahaprabhu (1486–1534) and a smaller Shaiva tradition.[citation needed] The Muslim population is the second-largest of any Indian state in absolute terms and the third-highest in share after Assam and Kerala. About 90 per cent are ethnic Bengali Muslims, Sunni-majority with substantial Sufi presence including the Chishti, Qadiri and indigenous Furfura Sharif Pir lineages;[citation needed] an Urdu-speaking minority of about 1.6 to 2.6 million of UP and Bihar descent is concentrated in Kolkata, Asansol and the Islampur subdivision of Uttar Dinajpur.[citation needed] Muslims form a majority in Murshidabad (66.27 per cent) and Malda (51.27 per cent) and a plurality in Uttar Dinajpur (49.92 per cent) and Birbhum (37.06 per cent).[citation needed] Christians cluster in the Darjeeling-Kalimpong hills and in Adivasi communities of the Dooars and the southwestern plateau; Buddhists, 260,000 of the state total of 282,898, are concentrated in Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri and include indigenous Bhutia, Sherpa, Tamang and Yolmo populations alongside a Tibetan refugee community resident since 1959.[citation needed]

Caste

In Bengali Hindu society, Brahmin, Baidya and Kayastha populations occupy a disproportionate share of urban professional and cultural positions, above a long roll of cultivator, artisan and Scheduled Caste jatis.[editorialising?][24] The Scheduled Caste population of 21,463,270 in 2011 constituted 23.51 per cent of the state, one of the largest SC shares of any Indian state.[25] The largest SCs are the Namasudra (concentrated in Nadia and the 24 Parganas following post-1947 settlement), Rajbanshi, Bagdi, Bauri, Pod (Paundra Kshatriya) and Jalia Kaibarta.[citation needed] Bengali Muslim society is conventionally divided by colonial ethnography (Risley 1891) into Ashraf, Atrap and Arzal strata; the contemporary West Bengal Muslim population is overwhelmingly Atrap in origin and rural in residence.[26]

Scheduled Tribes

Entrance to Totopara tribal zone and village in West Bengal, India
Entrance to Totopara tribal zone and village in Alipurduar District

Scheduled Tribes constituted 5.80 per cent of the state's population at the 2011 Census, with 5,296,953 persons in 40 notified communities.[5] The dominant groups are the Santal (about 52 per cent of the ST population), Oraon (14 per cent), Munda (7.8 per cent), Bhumij (7.6 per cent) and Kora (3.2 per cent), concentrated in the southwestern plateau-fringe districts (Purulia, Bankura, Jhargram and Paschim Medinipur) and in the Dooars tea-garden belt (Jalpaiguri and Alipurduar), where many were brought as indentured labour from the Chota Nagpur plateau in the late nineteenth century.[citation needed] Other communities include the Lodha and Kheria of Jhargram and Paschim Medinipur (notified PVTG); the Toto of Totopara in Alipurduar (notified PVTG; 1,387 individuals at the 2011 Census, rising to about 1,600 by 2022);[citation needed] the Birhor of Purulia (notified PVTG); the Rabha, Mech and Garo of the Dooars and Terai; the Lepcha, Bhutia, Sherpa, Tamang and Limbu of the Darjeeling and Kalimpong hills; and the Rajbanshi of the North Bengal plains, registered linguistically under the Kamtapuri/Rajbanshi heading and as a Scheduled Caste in West Bengal. The Gorkha (Nepali) community of the Darjeeling and Kalimpong hills is not Scheduled but is the majority of the two hill districts (about 748,000 Nepali first-language speakers in 2011) and has shaped the political and administrative history of the hill region through long-standing autonomous-region claims.[citation needed]

Communities with cannabis relationships

Landrace Cannabis cultivation in a small Rajbanshi homestead in West Bengal
Landrace Cannabis cultivation in a small Rajbanshi homestead in West Bengal
Bengali man smoking a chillum
Bengali man smoking an Italian clay chillum made by 'Ma De' with local Cooch Behar landrace ganja

Several communities figure in the colonial and ethnographic literature as having cannabis in their cultural or economic practice. The Bauls (বাউল) and Fakirs (ফকির), a syncretic Vaishnava-Sahajiya and Sufi-Fakir minstrel tradition, are concentrated in Birbhum (especially Joydev-Kenduli, Bolpur and Tarapith), Nadia, Murshidabad and Bankura. Neither a caste nor a tribe, the lineage is recruited across Hindu and Muslim renunciate boundaries and is not separately enumerated by the Census.[7] The Koch-Rajbanshi of Cooch Behar, Jalpaiguri, Alipurduar and the two Dinajpurs are demographically the largest Scheduled Caste community of West Bengal and the historical agrarian population of the sub-Himalayan north Bengal cannabis belt, where household-level and field-edge cultivation has operated outside the colonial regulated tract from the pre-colonial period to the present. Colonial-era enumeration recorded 482,498 Kochh in Rangpur and 407,923 in Dinajpur in 1881, with a further 299,458 in Cooch Behar State; Jalpaiguri's Rajbansi population reached 321,170 at the 1901 census, more than two-fifths of the district total.[26][27] The licensed Ganja Mahal at Naogaon lay south-west of the Rajbanshi heartland in present-day Rajshahi Division, Bangladesh and was worked predominantly by Bengali Muslim cultivators; the Rajbanshi tradition is the more direct cultural-agronomic antecedent of the contemporary feral and smallholder populations documented under Cultivation below.[original research?] Distinctive Rajbanshi folk Shaiva and Shakta ritual at the Jalpesh Temple and in the Madankam, Hudum Deo and related festival complexes is treated under Religious and Cultural Use. Bengali Muslim cultivator communities of Murshidabad, Malda and the Dinajpurs are the West Bengal fragment of the colonial Ganja Mahal cultivator population, the bulk of which moved to East Pakistan after 1947.[citation needed] The Adivasi tea-garden labour population of the Dooars is a mixed Santal, Oraon, Munda, Kharia, Bhumij and Lohra community descended from nineteenth-century Chhota Nagpur indenture and today constitutes about 80 per cent of the regional tea labour force.[28] The Santal community is the most extensively recorded of these in colonial and post-colonial ethnographies of Bengal ganja, with Santal women's role in the post-harvest processing of the Naogaon Ganja Mahal documented by Rahman et al. (2023).[12]

Partition and migration

Map "Prevailing Religions of the British Indian Empire, 1909"
Prevailing Religions of the British Indian Empire, 1909

Partition severed the colonial cannabis cultivation belt from West Bengal. The 1947 transfer brought approximately 2.6 million Hindus from East Pakistan to West Bengal and 700,000 Muslims in the opposite direction; cumulative Hindu inflows from East Pakistan to West Bengal between 1946 and 1970 reached between 4.1 and 5.8 million.[16][29] The Muslim share of the state population fell from 29.5 per cent in 1941 to 19.85 per cent in 1951 before climbing back to 27.01 per cent by 2011.[16] The 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War prompted a further wave of refugee migration to West Bengal, concentrated in Nadia and the 24 Parganas. West Bengal retained the consumption markets, the urban vending infrastructure and the cultivator-descendant population of the Indian portion of the colonial cannabis economy, but not the licensed cultivation belt itself, which lay mostly east of the Radcliffe Line (see History below).

Agriculture

Main article: Agriculture in West Bengal

Agriculture is the principal economic activity in rural West Bengal, employing about half of the state's workforce and contributing roughly one-fifth of gross state domestic product.[citation needed] The state's productive capacity reflects its physiographic diversity: temperate orchard and tea cultivation in the Darjeeling Himalaya, a rice-jute-potato-vegetable belt across the Gangetic plain, lateritic single-crop rice and pulses in the Rarh, and salt-tolerant rice with brackish aquaculture in the Sundarbans.[30] Six agro-climatic zones are recognised, corresponding to the hill, Terai-Teesta alluvial, old alluvial, new alluvial, red-and-laterite and coastal-saline divisions of the state.[30]

West Bengal is the largest producer of rice and jute in India and the second-largest producer of potato.[30][31][32] Rice production runs to about 16 to 17 million tonnes per annum on roughly 5.4 million hectares across three seasons: aus (pre-monsoon), aman (the principal kharif crop sown with the southwest monsoon) and the irrigated dry-season boro (December to May), whose post-1980s expansion accounts for most of the state's gain in rice production.[30] Salt-tolerant landrace varieties including Talmugur, Patnai and Hamilton continue to be cultivated in the Sundarbans.[citation needed] Jute is concentrated in Nadia, Murshidabad, North 24 Parganas, Hooghly, the Bardhaman districts, Cooch Behar and the Dinajpurs, with the principal Indian jute milling industry running along the Hooghly between Howrah and Bansberia.[citation needed] Potato output of 11 to 12 million tonnes per annum is concentrated in Hooghly, the Bardhaman districts, Bankura, Birbhum, Paschim Medinipur and the Dinajpurs.[32]

Tea is the principal plantation crop and West Bengal is the second-largest tea-producing state in India after Assam. Two production belts operate.[33] Darjeeling tea is produced on 87 gardens covering about 17,500 hectares between 600 m and 2,000 m on the Darjeeling Himalayan slopes, predominantly using the China-jat (Camellia sinensis var. sinensis); Darjeeling holds the first geographical indication registered in India for an agricultural product (2004).[citation needed] The Dooars and Terai gardens of Jalpaiguri, Alipurduar and the Darjeeling foothills produce a higher-volume CTC tea on piedmont alluvial soils using the Assam-jat, with about 154 gardens employing approximately 350,000 permanent workers, the largest single agricultural enterprise in the state.[citation needed] The 2002 to 2004 plantation crisis, in which at least 22 Jalpaiguri gardens closed affecting 21,000 permanent workers, exposed the structural fragility of the Dooars labour economy and has been linked to subsequent smallholder cash-crop alternatives including cannabis on garden margins.[28][original research?]

Beyond rice, jute, potato and tea, the state is the largest Indian producer of vegetables by volume and a major producer of mango (notably Fazli and Himsagar varieties from Malda and Murshidabad), lychee, betel leaf and mulberry silk.[30] Inland fisheries support the second-largest production of any Indian state, with brackish-water shrimp and prawn aquaculture in the Sundarbans, freshwater pond aquaculture of Indian major carp statewide and a seasonal marine and estuarine hilsa (Tenualosa ilisha) fishery on the Hooghly-Bhagirathi system.[30] The Black Bengal goat, native to the eastern districts, is among the most widely distributed Indian goat breeds. Cannabis was a regulated commercial crop on the Padma-Ganga floodplains under the Bengal Presidency from 1793 to 1947 and continued under West Bengal state excise until the cessation of cannabis licensing on 11 December 1989, since when no licit cultivation has operated in the state (see Cannabis in West Bengal below).

Cannabis in West Bengal

Main article: Cannabis in West Bengal

Cannabis use in West Bengal is documented across four chronological horizons of differing evidentiary weight: Sanskrit medical writing from the 11th century onwards; Bengali Śākta Tantric ritual codified between the 11th and 18th centuries; early-modern European traveller accounts from 1563 onwards; and the dense colonial documentary record of the Bengal Presidency from 1790 to 1947, anchored by the seven-volume Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (IHDC) report of 1894.[34][6] The territory of the present-day state was the Calcutta-centred administrative, commercial and scholarly headquarters of the colonial Indian cannabis economy, but the licensed cultivation tract that the Excise Department regulated lay entirely north of the Ganges in what is now Bangladesh and was severed from West Bengal by Partition in 1947. A separate sub-Himalayan tradition of household and field-edge cultivation, worked by the Rajbanshi peasantry across Cooch Behar State, Jalpaiguri and the two Dinajpurs, straddled the eventual border and persisted in the Indian portion of the former Cooch Behar territory after Partition.

History

Main article: History of Cannabis in West Bengal

The earliest irrefutable Sanskrit medical attestation of cannabis as an ingestible intoxicating medicament is the Cikitsāsārasaṃgraha of the late 11th-century Bengali physician Vaṅgasena, whose name itself encodes Bengali origin (vaṅga = Bengal); the work prescribes bhaṅgā as a digestive, includes it in the powdered formula jātīphalādi cūrṇa for rājayakṣma and gives a rejuvenative recipe of daily indrāśana with milk and sugar.[35][6] Bengali Śākta Tantric integration of vijayā is codified in the Mahānirvāṇa Tantra and adjacent texts between the 11th and 18th centuries. The earliest European description of bhang in Bengal specifically is in Jan Huyghen van Linschoten's Itinerario (1596), followed by Thomas Bowrey at Balasore in 1669-1679, François Bernier at Dhaka and Hooghly in 1665-66, and Jean-Baptiste Tavernier and Niccolao Manucci at the Mughal Bengal court.[36]

Under British colonial rule the Bengal Presidency administered the Indian cannabis economy from Calcutta. Regulation XXXIV of 1793, part of the Cornwallis Code, required a licence from the district collector for the manufacture or sale of bhang, ganja and charas. By the 1850s licensed cultivation had been consolidated into the Ganja Mahal, a 16-mile-radius tract centred on Naogaon in Rajshahi Division, with a three-circle rotation, the IHDC-documented chasi cultivator tradition and from 1917 the Naogaon Ganja Cultivators' Co-operative Society.[15] Cooch Behar State operated a parallel state-direct golah system under the Cooch Behar Excise Act of 1878, procuring its ganja by import from the Naogaon Mahal under section 41 of the Act as revised in 1891-92, distributing through sub-divisional golahs at Sudder, Dinhata, Mathabhanga and Mekliganj, and explicitly prohibiting in-state cultivation.[13] The 1947 Radcliffe Line placed the entire licensed Mahal in East Pakistan; West Bengal retained the consumption markets, the Calcutta wholesale infrastructure and the urban vending network but not the cultivation belt. Cooch Behar acceded to India in 1949 and merged into West Bengal as a district in 1950. The NDPS Act of 1985 criminalised ganja and charas at the central level; bhang, defined by the Bengal Excise Act, 1909 as the leaf preparation, was preserved within state excise jurisdiction. State retail licences for all three intoxicants were terminated on 11 December 1989, after which licensing for ganja and charas was not resumed and the licit cannabis economy contracted to bhang preparations.[37]

Cultivation

Main article: Cannabis cultivation in West Bengal

Cannabis cultivation in the territory of present-day West Bengal is recorded across three colonial-era regimes: the licensed Ganja Mahal of the Bengal Presidency, lying entirely east of the Radcliffe Line and now in Bangladesh; the Cooch Behar State excise apparatus, which prohibited in-state cultivation and procured its ganja by import; and the household and field-edge tradition of the wider sub-Himalayan plains across Rangpur, the Dinajpurs, Jalpaiguri and the territory of Cooch Behar State, worked by the Rajbanshi peasantry and undocumented in any colonial revenue table.[14] The licensed Bengal landrace was a dioecious annual processed into three product types: flat ganja (chyapta) trodden underfoot on the chatar floor; round ganja (gol) rolled by hand between bars; and chur ganja recovered from the chatar surface after a flat or round batch. Bengal did not produce charas; resin-rubbed product circulating in Calcutta was imported from Yarkand and the Punjab.[38]

Landrace cannabis cultivation in a small Rajbanshi homestead in West Bengal
Cannabis cultivation in a Rajbanshi homestead, North Bengal Plains

Surviving cannabis cultivation in West Bengal occurs across two regionally distinct belts. The sub-Himalayan plains household belt encompasses Cooch Behar, Jalpaiguri and Alipurduar with smaller extensions into Uttar and Dakshin Dinajpur and into the Dooars-Terai margin; cultivation here is small-scale, often at homestead or kitchen-garden plot dimensions, embedded within a wider matrix of feral and semi-feral populations along river beds, field margins and roadside verges. The Zomia Collective WEB01 expedition of 2025 documented populations across this belt, with the Upper Jaldhaka Valley populations recorded as the Haldibari-format reference accessions ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250030 and ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250031.[39] The cultivator community is predominantly Rajbanshi and Nepali rather than Bengali Hindu or Bengali Muslim. The southwestern jungle belt extends across Bankura, Purulia, Jhargram and parts of Paschim Medinipur and Birbhum on the lateritic margin of the Chota Nagpur plateau, worked by Santal, Munda and Bengali Hindu agrarian populations.[20] The agronomic relationship between the two belts is not currently established.

Preparations and Consumption

Main articles: Cannabis consumption in West Bengal, Bengali Cannabis preparations and Bengali Cannabis grading system

Three principal Bengali cannabis preparations were formalised for colonial excise purposes and consistently distinguished across the witness questions of the IHDC.[11] Ganja (গাঁজা), the flowering tops of the female plant, was smoked in a cilam and prepared under colonial licensing in flat, round and chur types as described under Cultivation above. Bhang (ভাং), the leaves and seeds, was drunk as siddhi (সিদ্ধি) ground on a stone slab with sugar, milk and the ṭhāṇḍāi spice matrix, and worked into the sweet confection majoon (মজুন) inherited from Persian-Mughal pharmacy. Charas (চরস), collected resin, was never produced commercially in Bengal but imported from Yarkand and the Punjab under the same excise framework. The licit bhang trade in Kolkata now operates through long-established sharbat houses in Burrabazar, Sovabazar, Manicktala-Hedua, Bowbazar and Jagubazar, with demand peaking on Dol Yātrā, Maha Śivarātri and the Charak-Gajan festival of Chaitra Saṅkrānti.

Religious and Cultural Use

Main articles: Cannabis culture in West Bengal and Cannabis and Hinduism

Cannabis use in Bengal is documented across multiple religious traditions, with the densest evidence in volume IV of the IHDC (1894) and in chapter IX of volume I, which collected sworn evidence on social and religious customs.[40] Bengali Śākta Tantric ritual integrates the consecration of vijayā from the Mahānirvāṇa Tantra forward, with cannabis functioning as a substitute or adjunct to madya (wine) in the pañcamakāra scheme of the vāmācāra tradition.[41] The Bengali Śākta pilgrimage circuit (Kālīghāṭ, Bakreśwar, Kankalitala and especially Tārāpīṭha in Birbhum district on the Dvārakā river) constitutes the canonical setting for Tantric cannabis offerings, with gāñjā smoked in the cilam and siddhi consumed as drink at the cremation-ground sādhanā. Tārāpīṭha's modern identity is anchored in the figure of Bāmākhepā (1837–1911), whose sādhanā at the Mahāśmaśāna integrated gāñjā smoking with the consumption of ritually transgressive substances; the cremation ground continues to host a population of Aghorī and Śākta sādhus.[42]

Śaiva offering of bhāṅ and gāñjā is normative at the major Bengali pilgrimage centres, conspicuously at Tārakeśwar in Hooghly on Śivarātri and through the Śrāvaṇa Yātrā, when saffron-clad devotees carry Gaṅgā water from the Nimai Tirtha Ghat at Baidyabati to pour over the Śiva liṅga. The IHDC found the Bijoyā Daśamī siddhi offering to be almost universal in Bengal in 1894, though the practice has narrowed in middle-class urban use since. Dol Yātrā at Phālgun pūrṇimā remains the principal occasion at which bhang ṭhāṇḍāi, bhang laḍḍū and bhang lassi circulate as festive items; on Kālī Pūjā at the Kārtik new moon, Tantric celebrants at the śmaśāna sites of Tārāpīṭha, Nimtala and Keoṛatala include bhāṅ and gāñjā in their ritual offerings; and the Gajan and Charak Pūjā cycle of late Caitra retains the Gajan sannyāsī tradition of cannabis-accompanied bodily austerity.

The Bāul-Fakir lineage, a syncretic Vaiṣṇava-Sahajiyā and Sufi-Fakir minstrel tradition concentrated in Murshidabad, Birbhum and Nadia, treats gāñjā, bhāṅ and siddhi as sādhanā-adjuncts; its principal annual gathering in West Bengal is the Joydev-Kenduli Melā at the birthplace of the twelfth-century poet Jayadeva around Makar Saṅkrānti in mid-January, with the Pauṣ Melā at Śāntiniketan in late December a secondary node.[7] Bāul songs were inscribed by UNESCO on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2008.[43] The wider category of the gā̃jākhor covers Śaiva sādhus, bairāgīs, nāgā ascetics, aghorīs, fakirs and jaṭā-sporting wanderers passing through Bengal en route to Puri, Tārāpīṭha, the annual Gaṅgāsāgar Melā at Sagar Island, Kāmākhyā or Hardwar; supplying gāñjā to such mendicants was treated by Bengali householders as a routine act of religious charity.[40] The Trinātha cult of east Bengal (now surviving principally in the Barak Valley and north-eastern Bangladesh) made an offering of three pice each of gāñjā, oil and betel-nut to a syncretic deity, with a Hindu-Muslim parallel under the name Tinlakh Pīr.[40] The Koch-Rajbanshi folk Śaiva and Śākta complex of Cooch Behar, Jalpaiguri, Alipurduar and the two Dinajpurs, including the Jalpesh Temple near Maynaguri (founded 1524 by Bishwa Singha) and the Madankam Puja of the Dooars and Terai, situates north Bengal devotion within the wider regional Śaiva framework in which cannabis offering is normative.[44] The Santal, Munda and Oraon populations of western Bengal maintain their own ethnobotanical relations to cannabis, with Santal medicinal uses for epilepsy, tetanus, paralysis and fever-delirium reflecting traditions reaching into the pre-colonial period.[45]

Trade and Commerce

Main article: Cannabis trade in West Bengal

The Bengal cannabis trade has two distinct phases. The colonial phase, in which Calcutta was the financial and wholesale back-end of a licensed Bengal Presidency economy serving the Indian subcontinent and indentured-labour destinations beyond, is treated below and at length under History above and at Cannabis in Bengal Presidency under Colonial Rule. The contemporary phase, since the cessation of the colonial regulatory regime between 1985 and 1989, operates partly under the Bengal Excise Act, 1909 (which the NDPS Act 1985 expressly preserves in respect of cannabis leaves and seeds) and partly outside any regulatory framework.

Colonial period

Calcutta was the financial and wholesale back-end of the colonial Bengal cannabis economy. Wholesale dealers (mahajans) converged on the Ganja Mahal during the January to April marketing season to buy product directly at the gola, taking dispatches under transport permit by river, by road and (from the 1870s) by the Eastern Bengal Railway.[citation needed] Distribution centres across the Presidency included Dhaka, Pabna, Khulna, Jessore, Chittagong, Comilla, Mymensingh, Barishal and Sylhet, with overland routes to the United Provinces, Bihar and the Central Provinces.[15] Smuggling into Lower Burma, where cultivation, sale and possession had been prohibited under the Burma Excise Act of 1873, was a continuing concern of the colonial excise administration. Smaller export movements to indentured-labour destinations (Trinidad, Guyana, Fiji, Natal) and to British and American pharmaceutical houses for medical Cannabis indica preparations are documented in the India Office Records.[10]

The Naogaon Ganja Society maintained pre-Partition assets in Calcutta, including a deposit at the Bengal Cooperative Bank that has never been recovered.[46]

Retail distribution of the Naogaon product across Bengal was concentrated in the Gandhabanik caste, the trader-druggist community whose pansari shops carried up to three hundred and sixty kinds of indigenous drug ingredients. Risley's 1891 ethnographic glossary records that the Gandhabanik

"retails charas, bhang, opium and ganja, but some have scruples about selling the last and employ a Mahomedan servant to do so. Many shops for the sale of ganja, however, are leased by members of this caste, who pay a Sunri, or a Mahomedan, to manage them."[26]

The arrangement records a recurring caste-management practice in which the Hindu shop-leaseholder retained the commercial benefit of the licensed retail outlet while delegating direct ritual contact with the commodity to a Muslim or Sunri manager. Cooch Behar State, operating its own parallel licensed system under the Cooch Behar Excise Act of 1878, distributed its produce through state golahs rather than through caste-managed retail.[13]

The licit trade since 1985

The NDPS Act 1985 defines "ganja" at section 2(iii) as "the flowering or fruiting tops of the cannabis plant (excluding the seeds and leaves when not accompanied by the tops)" and at section 8 prohibits production, sale and possession outside medical and scientific licensing.[37] Bhang as a leaf preparation is left to the residual jurisdiction of state excise law, which in West Bengal is the Bengal Excise Act, 1909. Section 3(13) of the 1909 Act defines an "intoxicating drug" as "the leaves, small stalks and flowering or fruiting tops of the Indian hemp plant (Cannabis sativa L) including all forms known as Bhang or Siddhi but excluding Ganja, Charas," and section 20 forbids the sale of any such material except under licence from the district Collector; a proviso permits a cultivator to sell unlicensed cannabis material only to a licensee or to an officer authorised by the Excise Commissioner.[47] The Calcutta High Court in Promodh Jha v. State of West Bengal (22 January 2008) reaffirmed that "Bhang is not a narcotic drug and as such the prohibition engrafted in Section 8 of the [NDPS] Act cannot apply to possession or sell or purchase of Bhang," in a case concerning 100 kg of bhang seized near Bamurdanga Bridge in Bally police station limits while being transported by bus toward Bihar.[48]

The retail licensing framework was reconstituted by the West Bengal Excise (Selection of New Sites and Grant of Licence for Retail Sale of Liquor and Certain Other Intoxicants) Rules 2003, notified under Notification No. 800-EX dated 29 July 2003. Rule 4(c) lists "bhang for consumption 'off' the site" as a distinct category of retail licence, alongside country spirit, foreign liquor from former opium depots and "erstwhile ganja shops," pachwai and other foreign-liquor categories.[19] The naming of the latter category as "erstwhile ganja shops" is itself a residue of the pre-1985 system in which the same outlets sold ganja, charas, bhang and opium under the colonial excise. The published fee schedule places the bhang shop at the bottom of the ladder. In rural panchayat areas an "off" bhang shop attracts application, grant and annual fees of Rs 100, Rs 100 and Rs 300 respectively; in municipality areas all three fees are Rs 200; in municipal corporations other than Kolkata, Howrah and Siliguri all three are Rs 300. The schedule does not list separate bhang fees for the Kolkata, Howrah and Siliguri Municipal Corporations.[49]

The licit Kolkata bhang trade is in practice carried on through long-established sharbat houses and sweet-shops in older neighbourhoods of the central business district and North Kolkata rather than through standalone licensed shops. Burrabazar, Sovabazar, Manicktala-Hedua, Bowbazar and Jagubazar are the principal nodes. Long-running addresses include Ralli Singh in Burrabazar (established 1898), Shiva Ashram at 168 Bidhan Sarani near Hedua Park in Manicktala, Shiv Shakti Sherbet Shop at 98 B. K. Paul Avenue in Sovabazar and Loknath Thandai near Ganesh Talkies.[18][50] Reported retail prices for a glass of bhang sharbat in the 2024 to 2026 seasons cluster at Rs 60 to Rs 100, with seasonal premium pricing at Holi.[18] Demand is sharply seasonal, peaking on Dol Yātrā, Maha Śivarātri and the Charak-Gajan festival of Chaitra Saṅkrānti, in continuity with the festival calendar described under Religious and Cultural Use above.

The supply chain for licensed bhang in West Bengal has not been the subject of published research. The proviso to section 20 of the 1909 Act contemplates a closed loop in which a cultivator sells unlicensed cannabis material only to a licensed dealer or to an officer of the Excise Commissioner,[47] but no contemporary contract-cultivation regime is documented. The leaves reaching Kolkata bhang counters at Holi and Shivaratri are widely understood by trade participants to come from the same wild and semi-cultivated plantings in Bihar, the Bankura-Purulia belt and the Dooars that supply the unlicensed market, with the legal distinction lying in the form of the end product rather than in a separate cultivation channel.[citation needed]Template:Weasel

State excise revenue overall is large and growing, at Rs 20,444.45 crore in revised estimates for 2024-25, Rs 22,223.16 crore in revised estimates for 2025-26 and Rs 24,200.74 crore in budget estimates for 2026-27, representing approximately 20 per cent of the state's own-tax revenue.[51] The Comptroller and Auditor General's revenue-sector reports do not separately disaggregate bhang from total state excise receipts. Bhang within these figures is statistically negligible. The excise importance of bhang in West Bengal is ritual and symbolic rather than fiscal.

West Bengal has not joined the small group of Indian states with industrial hemp policies. The first commercial hemp cultivation licence in India was issued by Uttarakhand in July 2018 to the Indian Industrial Hemp Association for pilot cultivation in Pauri Garhwal, authorised via government letter No. 581/XXIII/2018/04(11)/2012 dated 29 May 2018.[52] Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh (2024) and Himachal Pradesh have followed in more limited form. No equivalent notification has been issued by the Government of West Bengal under either the Bengal Excise Act 1909 or section 14 of the NDPS Act. The two principal state agricultural universities, Bidhan Chandra Krishi Viswavidyalaya at Mohanpur, Nadia and Uttar Banga Krishi Viswavidyalaya at Pundibari, Cooch Behar, do not list any cannabis or industrial hemp programme in their public research portfolios. No state-specific medical cannabis policy operates.

The illicit trade

The contemporary illicit cannabis trade in West Bengal draws on three loose production belts, mapped in detail under Cultivation above. The Dooars belt across Jalpaiguri, Alipurduar and Cooch Behar carries scattered cultivation in the gaps between tea gardens, in riverine char land and in the forested margins of the Buxa, Jaldapara and Gorumara protected areas.[citation needed] Its structural importance to the cross-border trade with Bangladesh is larger than its share of in-state cultivation, since cannabis grown in Tripura, Assam and Manipur passes through it on the way to Kolkata and the Bangladesh border.[original research?] The southwestern jungle belt across Bankura, Purulia and West Medinipur carries smallholder cultivation in the lateritic uplands and forest margins, mostly in Adivasi villages; its product moves principally eastwards to the Durgapur-Asansol industrial corridor and onwards to Kolkata and northwestwards into Jharkhand.[citation needed] The southern delta and Sundarbans hosts low-volume but persistent cultivation on inaccessible char lands.[citation needed] Birbhum, Murshidabad, Malda, Nadia and the two 24-Parganas districts function less as production zones than as warehouses and transit nodes for product brought in from Odisha, Tripura, Manipur and Andhra Pradesh.[citation needed]

Intermediation between cultivator and wholesale tier is performed by local commission agents (the dalal), often men of the same village or block, maintaining links with travelling traders coming up from Kolkata, Howrah, Asansol or the Bihar-Jharkhand interior. The standing arrangement at harvest is typically a cash advance from the dalal months earlier, repaid in kind at the final price net of advance and interest.[citation needed] This is the classic landrace pattern in which the cultivator captures only a small fraction of the eventual retail value.[original research?] The pattern is structurally identical to the advance-payment system that the IHDC recorded for the Naogaon chasi in 1894, with the difference that the contemporary cultivator operates entirely outside any licensed framework.[38]

From the dalal, product moves to a district-level wholesaler, typically compressed into bricks wrapped in newspaper and plastic and then to inter-state carriers.[citation needed] In the Dooars and Cooch Behar belt this stage frequently overlaps with the Bangladesh-bound smuggling tier; in the Bankura-Purulia belt it overlaps with the Jharkhand carriers; in Murshidabad and Nadia it overlaps with cattle, phensedyl and yaba flows, with carriers often handling multiple commodities in the same run.[citation needed]

Three transport modes dominate. Rail freight by passenger train is the most visible, with regular movement on the Northbound and Kolkata-bound services concealed in luggage, vegetable sacks, false-bottom suitcases and gas cylinders. Bardhaman in particular functions as a chokepoint where multiple long-distance services from Bihar, Assam and the north Bengal districts feed into the Howrah and Sealdah terminals;[citation needed] a Bardhaman Railway Protection Force seizure of 54.21 kg from the down North Bengal Express, originating in Dinhata in Cooch Behar with an estimated market value of Rs 5.5 lakh and six persons arrested, is illustrative.[53] A March 2024 Howrah RPF seizure of 65 kg from two women bound for Hajipur in Bihar, with the consignment having arrived from Ganjam district in Odisha by bus, captures the rail-bus interchange role of Howrah.[54]

Road freight by truck and passenger bus carries the largest volumes between Odisha and West Bengal and between West Bengal and Bihar or Jharkhand. A Birbhum Police seizure of approximately 615 kg from a single vehicle at Chartala More on the Mayureshwar-Ahmedpur road, being moved from Malda via Birbhum towards Durgapur and onward to Jharkhand and Bihar, illustrates the long-distance road tier and the through-state transit pattern.[55] Asansol North Police Station seizures of around 11 kg from a Ranchi-Asansol bus at Jubili More and approximately 10 kg from another Jharkhand-bound bus the same week, recorded during election-period naka checking in March 2026, illustrate the regular smaller-volume bus tier.[56]

River and creek transport in the Sundarbans and along the Padma-Bhagirathi systems carries cannabis alongside cattle, phensedyl and yaba.[citation needed] Motorcycle couriers operate the last-mile within Kolkata, Howrah, Siliguri and Asansol-Durgapur.[citation needed] Concealment includes packaging inside vegetable sacks; the Narcotics Control Bureau Kolkata Zonal Unit's March 2022 seizure of 400 kg worth Rs 24 lakh from an Odisha-to-West Bengal load found product hidden inside vegetables, with the NCB statement noting that the consignors "were supplying it after hiding the Ganja inside vegetables."[57] A separate NCB Kolkata Zonal Unit case against a 357 kg consignment from Ganjam, Odisha established the principal source-to-destination map for the Kolkata urban market.[58]

Street-level retail in Kolkata operates through three overlapping channels. Paan-bidi shops and small stalls in older neighbourhoods carry a side trade in small quantities and sell openly only to known customers.[citation needed] Sadhu networks at the major pilgrimage sites, principally Tārāpīṭha, Tārakeśwar, Kālīghāṭ, Dakṣiṇeśvar and the smaller Śaiva and Śākta centres, sustain a semi-tolerated retail tier (treated under Religious and Cultural Use above).[citation needed] A digital tier on Telegram, Signal and Instagram, in which dealers maintain catalogue channels with photographs of premium product, takes orders by direct message and delivers by motorcycle within the urban core.[citation needed] The peer-reviewed sociology of encrypted-app drug dealing identifies the same global pattern: encrypted messaging apps have become "an increasingly attractive tool for drug dealing," combining easy opening and closing of user communities, anonymity features and smartphone operability.[59]

The Bengali product taxonomy follows the broader Indian one with characteristic local variants and is documented in fuller form at Cannabis in Bengali Cuisine and under Preparations and Consumption above. The Kolkata retail market shows clear tiering by origin.[citation needed] Local Bengal-produced flower from the Dooars and Bankura-Purulia belts occupies the bottom of the price ladder, typically described as "local" or "B-grade." Odisha and Andhra Pradesh product, principally from the Visakhapatnam and Malkangiri areas, occupies the mid-tier and is the dominant volume product on the Kolkata street. Manipur and Northeast hill product entering through the Siliguri corridor occupies a higher tier valued for stronger effect. The premium tier is occupied by Himachali (principally Malana and Parvati Valley) and Nepali charas, by Kashmiri product and at the top by imported hash and modern hybrid flower brought in via diaspora, tourist and air-courier channels.[citation needed] No "named landrace" market identity in the sense of Malana Cream or Idukki Gold has developed in West Bengal; informal descriptors such as "Cooch Behari" or "Dooars" function as origin labels rather than as branded products.[original research?]

The Tripura-origin network described by the Directorate of Revenue Intelligence after a series of seizures including 841 kg at Berhampore in August 2023, traced to Bishalgarh in Sepahijala district of Tripura, established Tripura as a major Northeast source feeding the West Bengal urban market and onward into Bangladesh.[60] The NCB Guwahati Zonal Unit's August 2024 interdiction of 934.510 kg in Kamrup district, Assam, on a Senapati to Kolkata trafficking syndicate's truck, further establishes the Manipur to Kolkata channel.[61]

Cross-border trade

The West Bengal portion of the India-Bangladesh border, at 2,216.7 km, is the longest stretch of any Indian state on this frontier. It is guarded by the Border Security Force's South Bengal Frontier (covering South and North 24 Parganas, Nadia, Murshidabad and Malda) and North Bengal Frontier (covering Uttar Dinajpur, Dakshin Dinajpur, Cooch Behar, Jalpaiguri, Alipurduar and Darjeeling).[62] The principal direction of cannabis flow has reversed since the colonial period. Bangladesh banned cannabis cultivation in 1987 and prohibited sale in 1989, ending the licensed operation of the Naogaon Ganja Cultivators' Cooperative Society and structurally severing the historical East-Bengal-to-Indian-market flow.[15] Demand in Bangladesh has not disappeared and is supplied in part by smuggling from West Bengal, with significant volumes also entering from Tripura and Mizoram.

BSF South Bengal Frontier reported seizures including 1,223 kg of ganja in the first eleven months of 2024, alongside 1.73 lakh bottles of banned phensedyl, 69,702 yaba tablets and 17.5 kg of narcotic powder, indicating an order of magnitude for the interdicted Bangladesh-bound flow.[63] A 28 April 2025 seizure at Ghojadanga Border Outpost (102 Battalion) of 21 kg of ganja, 24 litres of cough syrup and 364 bottles of phensedyl named the Satkhira region of Bangladesh as the principal cross-border destination on interrogation of the smuggler.[64] An 8 July 2025 BSF Guwahati Frontier and NCB Siliguri Zonal Unit joint operation in Rajpur village, Cooch Behar recovered 473 kg from an Indian smuggler's residence, captured the southward-then-eastward pattern from the North Bengal side.[65] The 27 February 2026 Amdanga (North 24 Parganas) case, in which a Rajasthan-resident carrier was intercepted on an engine van with approximately 200 kg worth Rs 20 lakh, illustrates the long-distance carrier tier feeding the Bangladesh-bound flow.[66]

The Indo-Nepal open border meets West Bengal at Naxalbari and Panitanki in Darjeeling district, opposite Kakarbhitta in Jhapa district of Nepal.[67] The Sashastra Seema Bal North Bengal Frontier is the deployed force.[citation needed] Although the open border treaty allows free movement of persons and curtails routine search, the crossing is the principal land entry for Nepali charas and increasingly Nepali flower into eastern India.[citation needed] The India-Bhutan border in Alipurduar, Jalpaiguri and Kalimpong districts carries small cannabis flows in both directions; the larger structural concern at this border has historically been tobacco and brown sugar rather than cannabis, the former associated with extortion rackets documented in 2021 to 2022 at the Jaigaon-Phuentsholing crossing.[68]

The Siliguri Corridor, approximately 60 km long and 22 km wide at its narrowest,[citation needed] is the sole land bridge between mainland India and the eight Northeast states. All road and rail movement of Northeast-origin cannabis into the rest of India passes through this corridor, with onward distribution radiating to Kolkata via the Howrah-bound trunk routes, to Bihar via National Highway 27 and the Katihar rail line and to Nepal via the Panitanki crossing.[citation needed][editorialising?] The corridor's structural importance to the cannabis trade is therefore disproportionate to West Bengal's own production: it is the chokepoint for a multi-state flow, of which the Senapati to Kolkata route is the most consistently documented.[61] The establishment of an NCB Siliguri Zonal Unit in September 2023, as part of the Northeast Regional Headquarters expansion, is direct administrative recognition of this role.[citation needed]

The West Bengal-Jharkhand and West Bengal-Bihar borders are porous channels for two-way flow: Bankura-Purulia-grown product moves westward into Jharkhand while Bihar-grown ganja and bhang move eastward into the Burrabazar wholesale belt.[citation needed] The Odisha interface is dominated by Ganjam-to-Howrah-and-Kolkata flow, with northern Odisha (Mayurbhanj, Balasore) feeding the West Medinipur and Jhargram markets via road.[57][citation needed]

Urban economic geography

The historical centre of the licit bhang trade in Kolkata is Burrabazar in the central business district, where Marwari and Bihari merchant networks have long handled cannabis alongside spices, dry fruit, lassi ingredients and tobacco.[citation needed] The Burrabazar bhang and thandai houses form the principal licit retail tier in the central city; North Kolkata adds Sovabazar, Manicktala-Hedua and Bowbazar as long-established seasonal nodes.[18][50] The illicit ganja retail tier extends across the city in paan shops and motorcycle-delivered digital networks rather than being neighbourhood-concentrated.[citation needed] The Howrah-Hooghly belt functions principally as warehousing and onward-dispatch territory rather than primary retail.[citation needed]

The pilgrimage economy is a distinct retail tier whose religious significance is described under Religious and Cultural Use above. Tārāpīṭha, Tārakeśwar, Kālīghāṭ, Dakṣiṇeśvar and the Gaṅgāsāgar Melā all sustain semi-tolerated cannabis sale around their festival calendars; the scale of these flows has not been independently quantified but is significant enough to be reflected in the seasonal stocking patterns of Burrabazar bhang wholesalers and in the sustained gā̃jā demand of the resident sādhu populations at the cremation-ground shrines.[citation needed][original research?]

The dense cluster of universities and colleges in central and south Kolkata supports a youth retail market that since approximately 2018 has shifted decisively to Telegram and Instagram-based dealers serving by motorcycle delivery.[59] A 2024 Kolkata case in which central intelligence agencies recovered 34 kg of ganja, 385 g of cocaine and hydroponic flower from an international ring with sourcing from Bangkok, with the principal arrested in Jadavpur, sits at the high end of this segment.[69]

The Dooars-Terai tea belt of Jalpaiguri, Alipurduar and Darjeeling districts, comprising 154 gardens with about 3.5 lakh workers,[citation needed] includes substantial Adivasi populations migrated from the Chota Nagpur plateau in the colonial period. Garden-line settlements include small kitchen-garden cannabis plots for household use, occasional commercial plantings on garden margins and a long-running tradition of gā̃jā consumption among older workers.[citation needed] The 2002 to 2004 plantation crisis, in which at least twenty-two Jalpaiguri gardens closed affecting 21,000 permanent workers, is understood by labour-rights researchers to have pushed some garden households into cannabis cultivation as a cash supplement; quantitative documentation of this shift is limited.[28]

The Sundarbans delta, with scattered island settlements, weak police presence and dense water-channel network, supports both small-scale cultivation and the southbound smuggling channel into Bangladesh.[citation needed] Documentation in journalist longform is thin and the area is one of the principal information gaps for the West Bengal cannabis literature.

Structural economics

Available price-points permit a partial reconstruction of the value chain. The Telangana State Anti Narcotics Bureau's 2024 estimate of cultivator-realised prices of Rs 2,500 per kg for ordinary grade and approximately Rs 10,000 per kg for high-quality product, against retail prices of "between Rs 50,000 and Rs 75,000 in the retail market," is consistent with the wider South Asian landrace pattern in which the cultivator captures three to six per cent of the retail value.[70] Within West Bengal, recent rail and road seizures provide consistent inferred wholesale prices: the 54.21 kg recovered from the down North Bengal Express valued at approximately Rs 5.5 lakh implies about Rs 10,000 per kg at the inter-city wholesale stage,[53] and the 200 kg recovered at Amdanga valued at approximately Rs 20 lakh implies the same at the cross-border-bound wholesale stage.[66] Retail per-gram pricing at the Kolkata street tier in 2024 to 2025 was widely reported at Rs 100 to Rs 300 per gram for local product, rising sharply for Himachali, Nepali and Northeast tiers.[citation needed]Template:Weasel

The structural conclusion is that the cultivator's share of the eventual retail rupee is small (commonly one to three per cent at the street-retail tier), the dalal and district wholesaler together capture another five to ten per cent, the inter-state carrier and metropolitan wholesaler capture fifteen to twenty-five per cent and the street retailer captures the rest.[original research?] This distribution is consistent across South Asian landrace cannabis economies and structurally mirrors the historical Bengal pattern recorded by Hem Chunder Kerr in 1877, in which the licensed chasi household's net profit per bigha was a small fraction of the eventual retail value to which the colonial excise duty was applied.[71][original research?]

Cannabis cultivation in West Bengal is complementary to, rather than displacing of, the other principal rural livelihoods.[citation needed] Tea-garden households continue to draw the bulk of cash income from garden labour and from MGNREGA where available; jute and paddy in the south and centre and maize and ginger in the Dooars remain the dominant declared crops.[31][33] Cannabis functions as a residual cash supplement and as risk-reducing diversification, particularly in years of garden closure, jute price collapse or paddy crop failure.[original research?] Migration to other states for construction and service work remains the larger income strategy for most rural households.[citation needed]

No credible academic estimate of the total value of the West Bengal cannabis economy has been published. The most cited journalist estimate, that cross-border smuggling of foodgrain, fuel, garments, motor parts and other commodities generates "more than an estimated Rs 1,500 crore a year" and that illegal poppy cultivation and drug smuggling together yield "a few thousand crores of rupees," conflates cannabis with poppy and other commodities and was published in 2017.[72] The figure should be treated as an order-of-magnitude indicator rather than a measurement.

Recent shifts (2020-2026)

The 2020 COVID-19 lockdown disrupted rail freight and the rural-to-urban dalal channel.[citation needed] The principal lasting adaptation was the consolidation of Telegram and Instagram-based dealer networks, which had existed since at least 2018 and became the dominant urban retail channel during the lockdown.[59][73] Digital retail in Kolkata in 2024 to 2026 is structured around Telegram channels with hundreds to low-thousands of subscribers, with order placement by direct message and payment by UPI to mule accounts, delivered within the urban core by motorcycle.[citation needed] Instagram accounts function principally as discovery and reputation channels rather than direct sales channels.[citation needed]

Vape cartridges, edibles and isolates (CBD oil, "live resin") have entered the Kolkata urban market since approximately 2021, sourced principally from diaspora and air-courier channels via Bangkok, Dubai and US and Canada returnees.[citation needed] The 2024 Kolkata Bangkok-sourced international ring case is the principal documented seizure of this segment.[69] Volumes remain small relative to flower but the price-per-gram is an order of magnitude higher.

Thailand's 2022 decriminalisation, Germany's Cannabisgesetz in force from 1 April 2024[74] and the US state-level legalisation wave have not, on the available evidence, produced direct supply effects in West Bengal beyond the small Bangkok-Kolkata premium import flow noted above. Their principal effect has been on Indian policy discourse, with the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy, the Centre for Civil Society and individual parliamentarians including Dharamvir Gandhi's 2017 private member's bill (supported by former Central Bureau of Narcotics Commissioner Romesh Bhattacharji) generating a small but persistent legalisation debate.[75] No legislative movement has occurred in West Bengal specifically.[citation needed]

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This section is incomplete. Add sources and expand it.

Growing Regions

Landrace Cannabis growing regions currently documented on the wiki:

RegionHas conservation status
Eastern Himalayas
North Bengal Plains
The DooarsVulnerable

Growing Areas

Landrace Cannabis growing regions currently documented on the wiki:

Growing AreaHas growing regionHas conservation status
Chamurchi-Laxmi DuarThe Dooars
ChapramariThe Dooars
ChilapataThe DooarsVulnerable
GorumaraThe Dooars
JaldaparaThe DooarsVulnerable
JalpaiguriNorth Bengal Plains
Khairbari-DeogaonThe DooarsVulnerable
Koch BiharNorth Bengal PlainsMedium
MaynaguriNorth Bengal Plains
MekliganjThe DooarsVulnerable
Upper Jaldhaka ValleyEastern HimalayasUnknown

Accessions

Map

List

Accession IDNamePriorityCollectedArea
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250013Lataguri 'Neori Nadi' General Population 2024High7 December 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250014Lataguri 'Kajaldighi' General Population 2024High7 December 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250011Lataguri Feral Selection 2025Medium7 December 2025Gorumara
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250015Baulbari General Population 2025High7 December 2025Maynaguri
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250012Lataguri General Population 2024High7 December 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250010Siliguri General Population 2024High7 November 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250009Baikar Gourgram General Population 2024High7 October 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250005Jalpaiguri General Population #8 2024High7 October 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250007Panishala 'Mandir' Selection 2024High7 September 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250006Paschim Harmati General Population 2024High7 September 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250008Panishala General Population 2024High7 September 2025
ZOM-IND-UTT-0820250001Siliguri General Population 202422 August 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250004Jalpaiguri 'Pat Kata' Feral Selection 2025Medium7 August 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250002Jalpesh 'Jalpesh Mandir' General Population 2024High7 August 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250003Jalpesh General Population 2024High7 August 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250001Jalpesh 'Madhabdanga' General Population 2024High7 August 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250023Dinhata General Population 2024High31 July 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250022Baneswar 'Sarkar's' Selection 2024High31 July 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250024Dinhata Feral Selection 2025Medium31 July 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250021Baneswar General Population 2024High31 July 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250020Cooch Behar 'Khagrabari' General Population 202526 July 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250017Gopalpur General Population #2 2024High24 July 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250018Gopalpur General Population #1 2024High24 July 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250019Gopalpur 'Bhutani' General Population 2024High24 July 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250048Simlabari General Population #1 2024High22 July 2025Chilapata
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250047Simlabari General Population #2 2024High22 July 2025Chilapata
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250046Simlabari General Population #3 2024High22 July 2025Chilapata
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250049Patlakhawa General Population 2024High22 July 2025Chilapata
ZOM-IND-WEB-0720250016Fulkardabri Sujan's Selection #2 2024High17 July 2025Mekliganj
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250013Haldibari Feral Selection 2025Medium14 July 2025Mekliganj
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250073Salkumar 'Mondalpara' Feral Selection 2025Medium28 June 2025Jaldapara
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250074Bhandani General Population 2024High28 June 2025Jaldapara
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250072Jaldapara 'Hollong' General Population 2024High28 June 2025Jaldapara
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250071Jaldapara 'Kauchandpara' General Population #2 2024High28 June 2025Jaldapara
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250075Suripara Feral Selection 2025Medium28 June 2025Jaldapara
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250068Makrapara General Population 2025High27 June 2025Chamurchi-Laxmi Duar
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250060Khairbari 'Umacharanpur' General Population #1 2024High26 June 2025Jaldapara
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250062Jaldapara 'Badaitari' Selection #1 2025High26 June 2025Jaldapara
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250067Deogaon General Population #3 2024High26 June 2025Khairbari-Deogaon
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250061Khairbari 'Umacharanpur' General Population #2 2024High26 June 2025Jaldapara
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250063Jaldapara 'Badaitari' Selection #2 2025High26 June 2025Jaldapara
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250070Khairbari 'Umacharanpur' General Population #3 2024High26 June 2025Jaldapara
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250069Jaldapara 'Purba Madarihat' #2 Selection 2025High26 June 2025Jaldapara
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250065Deogaon General Population #1 2024High26 June 2025Khairbari-Deogaon
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250066Deogaon General Population #2 2024High26 June 2025Khairbari-Deogaon
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250064Jaldapara 'Kauchandpara' General Population 2024High26 June 2025Jaldapara
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250054Hamiltonganj Feral Selection #1 2025Medium25 June 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250055Hamiltonganj Feral Selection #2 2025Medium25 June 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250056Hamiltonganj Feral Selection #3 2025Medium25 June 2025
ZOM-IND-WEB-0620250057Hamiltonganj 'Giant Stank' Feral Selection 2025Medium25 June 2025
... further results

Conservation Status

Stub
This section is incomplete. Add sources and expand it.

Recent News

ArticleDateDistrictCategory
News:2026-01-15/Enforcement/alipurduar-district-police-destroy-illegally-cultivated-cannabis-plants-in-purba-narathali-kumargram15 January 2026AlipurduarEnforcement
News:2025-09-24/Enforcement/cooch-behar-district-police-destroy-marijuana-cultivation-across-multiple-locations-in-coordinated-operation-224 September 2025Cooch BeharEnforcement

See Also

References

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