Ganja Mahal
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Ganja Mahal was the licensed ganja-cultivation tract of the Bengal Presidency, the only area in which the cultivation of cannabis for the production of narcotic ganja was permitted under the colonial excise system. Consolidated from the 1850s into a compact zone astride the districts of Rajshahi, Bogra and Dinajpur in northern Bengal, with its administrative headquarters at Naogaon, the Mahal was the source of almost all the ganja legally traded in Bengal and, after 1894, the model for the system of ganja administration that the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission recommended for the Central Provinces, Madras, Bombay and Berar.[1][2][3]
The term mahal denotes a revenue estate in Bengal administrative usage; the Ganja Mahal was unusual in being defined not by a landholding boundary but by an excise monopoly on a single crop. Licensed cultivation was confined within the tract, manufactured ganja was held under bond in government warehouses (gola), and duty was levied as the drug passed out of the warehouse to the wholesale trade.[4]
The tract lay entirely within what is now north-western Bangladesh. Its relationship to present-day West Bengal is threefold: the Bengal Presidency, of which West Bengal was a part, administered the Mahal until 1947; the partition of Bengal placed the whole cultivation belt in East Pakistan while West Bengal retained the downstream consumption markets and the wholesale and retail vending network centred on Calcutta and the Hooghly riverside; and deposits held by the cultivators' cooperative at the Bengal Cooperative Bank in Calcutta were never recovered after 1947.[5]
Legal basis
The earliest general instrument was Regulation XXXIV of 1793, part of the Cornwallis Code, which provided that "no person shall manufacture or vend any such drugs ('bhang, ganja, charas, and other intoxicating drugs') without a license from the Collector of the zillah", enacting rules issued after 1790 to check immoderate consumption and augment the public revenue.[6] Cultivation as distinct from manufacture and sale was brought under licence by Bengal Act V of 1856 and the regime that followed it, and was codified in Bengal Act VII of 1878, section 5 of which forbade the cultivation, except under licence from the Collector, of plants from which intoxicating drugs are produced.[1][5] Under that section the cultivation of the hemp plant was, in the Commission's words, "confined to a compact tract having a radius of about sixteen miles, and lying in the three districts of Dinajpur, Rajshahi, and Bogra."[1]
The Bengal regime should not be confused with the separate excise system of the princely Cooch Behar State, whose own warehouse arrangement and Cooch Behar Act VIII of 1878 governed cannabis within that state; that system is treated in Cannabis in Cooch Behar State.
Extent and consolidation
The Commission reported evidence that the licensed tract had been reduced since 1866 from a radius of twenty miles to about fourteen, and recorded that the area under crop in 1892–93 was 3,540 bighas, about 1,180 acres (roughly 480 hectares).[1] O'Malley's 1916 gazetteer describes the tract as covering some 76 square miles across the Naogaon, Badalgachhi and Mahadebpur thanas and comprising 322 villages, of which about 7,094 acres were suitable for ganja; the seven-year average actually cultivated was about 970 acres, against a statutory maximum of 1,026 acres fixed by the Government of India, with a normal annual outturn of about 8,000 maunds.[7] Hemp was an exhausting crop that could not be grown on the same land for more than a year or two together, and the higher-lying, better-drained portion of the Naogaon thana was the heart of the cultivating area.[7] The cooperative's founding registers for 1917 record 176 villages within the belt.[8]
Because the cultivation belt straddled three district boundaries, its administration was split until the close of the century. The Naogaon subdivision was created in 1877, and in 1896–97 the Government of Bengal transferred the Mahadebpur thana from Dinajpur, and portions of the Adamdighi and Nawabganj thanas from Bogra, to Rajshahi district. O'Malley records that the object of these transfers was "to bring the whole area growing gánja under one jurisdiction."[7]
Administration of the monopoly
The three-circle rotation
| Circle name | No. of Villages | No. of Farmers |
|---|---|---|
| Kirtipur | 58 | 4,060 |
| Muradpur | 45 | 1,764 |
| Gobindopur | 73 | 1,916 |
| Total | 176 | 7,740 |
The licensed area was worked on a rotational system. It was divided into three circles, and ganja could be grown in any one circle only once in three years, a scheme that limited the quantity in cultivation at any time, kept the active fields concentrated for inspection and rested the land between crops.[8] The rotational structure is attested in the surviving cooperative records and in interviews with the last generation of cultivators, and the division into circles was later carried into the cooperative's governance, each circle electing its own representatives to the managing committee.[8][9] The three circles took their names from their central villages, Muradpur, Kirtipur and Gobindapur, and were named both in O'Malley's gazetteer, where one Excise Sub-Inspector was assigned to each, and in the cooperative's own founding records.[7][8]
Licensing and the gola system
No cultivator (chasi) could grow ganja without a written licence, issued free of charge by the end of June each year, specifying the man's plots and the area he might plant, with no excess allowed.[4][7] The supervision chain ran from the Collector of Rajshahi as ex-officio Superintendent of the Mahal, through the Subdivisional Officer of Naogaon as Deputy Superintendent, to a Supervisor in immediate charge under an Inspector of Excise, with one Excise Sub-Inspector assigned to each of the three circles.[7] Manufactured ganja had to be deposited in a licensed warehouse, the gola, kept by a warehouse-keeper (golawalla) and supervised by the Ganja Supervisor's office at Naogaon and the Excise Department.[4][3] The wholesale trade required two further licences, one to buy the drug at the gola and a second to remove it beyond the limits of the Mahal; duty was charged as the ganja was issued from the warehouse rather than at the point of retail sale, and the drug bought by a dealer was carried under pass to his own gola in the district of import and there held under double lock.[4][7] The downstream movement of the drug to the consumption districts is treated in Bengal Presidency cannabis trade; the Mahal's own administration extended only to the warehouse gate.
The temporary bamboo manufacturing yards that were built and dismantled each season were replaced by permanent brick warehouses and mechanical presses in the early twentieth century, as the colonial state tightened its control over manufacture.[9]
Cultivation and manufacture
The standard description of cultivation derives from Hem Chunder Kerr's special report of 1877, which was carried almost verbatim into George Watt's economic dictionary and into the Commission's chapter on cultivation; from the botanist David Prain's Report on the Cultivation and Use of Gánjá, which his covering letter describes as drawn up "as far as is possible in the form of a supplement" to Kerr's[10]; and from O'Malley's 1916 account.[11][7] Seed was raised in a nursery on high homestead land selected for good drainage, the cultivators using indicator plants to judge the suitability of the soil; the seedlings were transplanted into the fields, manured and tended through the cold season.[7][8] Before flowering the male plants were identified by a specialist, the poddar or parakdar, called in English the "ganja doctor", who broke their stalks for the cultivator to pull up.[7][8] O'Malley recorded that the cultivators "misname the sexes and talk of the ganja-bearing plant as the male and the pollen-bearing plant as the female".[7] The farmers interviewed between 2017 and 2020 called the female plant madi and the male morda; they could tell the two apart but did not do this work on their own.[8][12] The ganja doctors were hired on three-month contracts and had learned the work from their fathers and grandfathers; Rahman and colleagues describe the work as once lucrative and well paid. A former ganja doctor told them that some had been hired to train farmers in Nepal, and the authors write that cultivation and production around Kathmandu and Butwal were greatly influenced by them.[8][12]
The harvested plants were pressed and finished in fenced manufacturing yards, the chatars, rectangular enclosures set in the paddy fields with one or more in each circle and twenty in all by 1916, each cultivator raising and watching his own section of the fence against pilferage and working under the eye of the Excise Sub-Inspectors.[7][8] Three grades of product were recognised: flat ganja, pressed into flat cakes; round ganja, worked into rounded or cylindrical form; and chur or broken ganja, the fragments separated during manufacture.[13][14][7] Prain put the relationship of the grades more exactly: two sorts were manufactured and three varieties sold, one of the three occurring in two states. Ganja trodden under foot was flat, or cháptá, and was baled either "large flat", on branches cut to about two feet, or as "flat twig"; ganja rolled rather than trodden was round, or goli, of which only a fifth of the crop was made; and the flower-tops detached from either sort, whether by accident or by trimming, were chur.[10]: 9–10
Production and revenue
Output figures assembled from later Bengali histories record a rise from about 760 tonnes in 1853 to a peak of about 880 tonnes in 1858, then a long decline to about 170 tonnes by 1947; the cooperative's own stock books, which survive only from 1951, show production collapsing to about 21 tonnes that year and never again approaching the nineteenth-century peak.[5] Through the 1860s the Government of Bengal drew an average of about one million rupees a year, roughly £100,000, from the tax on ganja shops and the duty levied at the warehouses; Mills estimates that ganja accounted at this period for close to a fifth of the revenue from internal customs in Bengal.[3] By the early twentieth century the drug was taxed at Rs. 20 a seer, the cultivator receiving between Rs. 40 and Rs. 300 a maund according to quality, and the retail price stood so far above the duty-paid wholesale price that O'Malley reckoned the drug worth about three-eighths of its weight in silver; the Mahal's normal annual outturn yielded a total duty, across all the provinces into which it was sold, of nearly 66 lakhs of rupees, a little under £450,000.[7] Within Rajshahi district itself, ganja supplied about 34 per cent of the Rs. 3,09,000 of excise revenue raised in 1914–15, behind country spirit at 46 per cent and ahead of opium at 9 per cent.[7][15] The narcotic revenue of the Presidency as a whole was nonetheless always far smaller than the revenue from opium.[3] Prain found the contraction of the tract already under way when he toured it in 1893. The area of the mahal was "slowly but steadily decreasing", he reported, the cultivation both concentrating and, in spite of slight fluctuations, thinning within the ganja area itself; and he named the crop that was displacing it. Sugarcane suited the same high land, the cultivators found it nearly as remunerative and much less troublesome, and it carried none of the fiscal restrictions that ganja growing entailed.[10]: 13
Cultivators
Most ganja was grown by Muslim smallholders on plots of a few bighas; many were nij-jotdars working their own land, and the economy of the tract was structured by intergenerational debt, with larger landholders also acting as moneylenders and as brokers controlling the cultivators' access to visiting wholesale buyers.[9] Cultivation took place on land held under the Permanent Settlement zamindari estates of Rajshahi;[citation needed] the Raja of Tahirpur, one of the principal zamindars of the cultivation belt,[citation needed] sat as one of the three Indian members of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission.[16]
Numbers given for the cultivating population differ with the period and the basis of the count. O'Malley's gazetteer records nearly 3,000 cultivators scattered over some 200 villages around 1916, each working on average about one bigha under a licence issued for a single season.[7] The cooperative's founding registers for 1917 list a larger total of 7,740 registered cultivators across 176 villages, distributed between the three circles, with Kirtipur much the largest at about 4,060 against 1,916 in Gobindapur and 1,764 in Muradpur; the society still numbered some 6,600 members in 1987.[8][5] Much of the processing and packing labour at the chatars was done by women of the landless Santal community, who held no cultivation land in the tract.[8][12]
A report by G. Rainy of the Indian Civil Service, quoted in the 1916 gazetteer, described the Mahal's cultivators as "the richest and most prosperous body of peasantry in Bengal," their prosperity "the direct gift of Government, which has made them its partners in an enormously valuable monopoly."[7] A body of work-song, proverb and seasonal festival custom grew up around the tract's cannabis economy and survives in the recollections of the last generation of cultivators; this material is treated in Cannabis in Bengali culture.[12]
Cooperativisation
A collective withdrawal of cultivation licences by the Naogaon growers in 1916 led the following year to the formation of the Naogaon Ganja Cultivators' Co-operative Society, through which the cultivators thereafter held the monopoly and managed the warehouses.[9][5] The institutional history of the cooperative, which continued in East Pakistan and Bangladesh until cultivation was wound down in the 1980s, is treated in Ganja Society.
Partition and dissolution
The partition of 1947 placed the entire Mahal, including the Naogaon, Mahadebpur, Manda and Bagmara thanas and the formerly Bogra portions of Adamdighi and Nawabganj, in East Pakistan.[5] West Bengal was left with the consumption markets and the wholesale and retail infrastructure of the old trade but without any of the licensed cultivation, while the cooperative's pre-partition deposits at the Bengal Cooperative Bank in Calcutta remained unrecovered.[5][verification needed] Cultivation continued in East Pakistan and then Bangladesh until it was prohibited in 1987, under a drug-control commitment entered into in 1974 that required it to end within 15 years. Licensed sales ended in 1989.[5]
The Mahal has been the subject of renewed historical attention, notably in the work of Utathya Chattopadhyaya and in the field-based studies of A.M. Rahman and colleagues, the latter drawing on the cooperative's surviving stock books and resolution books; much of the pre-1951 documentation was lost during the 1971 war.[9][17][8][clarification needed]
See also
References
- ↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894). Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893–94. Vol. I: Report. Simla: Government Central Printing Office. ch. IV, "Extent of cultivation, and its tendency to increase or decrease", paras. 89–91, pp. 35–36 – via Internet Archive.
- ↑ Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894). Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893–94. Vol. I: Report. Simla: Government Central Printing Office. ch. XVIII, "Summary", paras. 740–742, pp. 359–361 – via Internet Archive.
- ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 Mills, James H., Cannabis Britannica: Empire, Trade, and Prohibition 1800–1928, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2003.
- ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894). "Evidence of Babu Sib Chunder Soor, Satgope, 1st Assistant Supervisor of Ganja Cultivation, Naogaon, Rajshahi". Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893–94. Vol. IV: Evidence of Witnesses from Bengal and Assam. Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing, India. witness no. 84, pp. 230–235 – via Internet Archive.
- ↑ 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 Rahman, A.M., Nemoto, K., Matsushima, K., Uddin, S.B. & Sarwar, A.K.M.G., "A History of Cannabis (Ganja) as an Economic Crop in Bangladesh from the Late 18th Century to 1989," Tropical Agriculture and Development 66(1), 2022, pp. 21–32.
- ↑ Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894). "Memorandum on hemp drugs in Bengal, by Mr. K. G. Gupta, Commissioner of Excise, Bengal". Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893–94. Vol. III: Appendices, Miscellaneous. Simla: Government Central Printing Office. app. A, "Brief historical sketch of the modes of taxation of ganja", p. 16 – via Internet Archive.
- ↑ 7.00 7.01 7.02 7.03 7.04 7.05 7.06 7.07 7.08 7.09 7.10 7.11 7.12 7.13 7.14 7.15 7.16 O'Malley, L.S.S., Bengal District Gazetteers: Rajshahi, The Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, Calcutta, 1916. Page references follow the 1916 first edition (Internet Archive in.ernet.dli.2015.206886; also catalogued as dli.ministry.07426).
- ↑ 8.00 8.01 8.02 8.03 8.04 8.05 8.06 8.07 8.08 8.09 8.10 8.11 Rahman, A.M.D., Matsushima, K., Uddin, S.B., Sarwar, A.K.M.G. & Nemoto, K., "Traditional Cultivation and the Production System of Cannabis by the Ganja Society in Naogaon, Bangladesh," Tropical Agriculture and Development 67(4), 2023, pp. 99–109.
- ↑ 9.0 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4 Chattopadhyaya, Utathya, "Naogaon and the world: Intoxication, commoditisation, and imperialism in South Asia and the Indian Ocean, 1840–1940," PhD dissertation, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2018.
- ↑ 10.0 10.1 10.2 Prain, D. (1893). Report on the Cultivation and Use of Gánjá. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press – via National Library of Scotland.
- ↑ Kerr, Hem Chunder (1877). Report on the Cultivation of, and Trade in, Gánjá in Bengal. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press. doi:10.15026/10837 – via Tokyo University of Foreign Studies Library. Read in the reprint in East India (Consumption of Ganja) (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1893), pp. 94–154; paragraph numbers are Kerr's.
- ↑ 12.0 12.1 12.2 12.3 Rahman, A.M.D., Matsushima, K., Uddin, S.B., Sarwar, A.K.M.G. & Nemoto, K., "Studies on Ethnobotany of Folk Customs for Cannabis in Naogaon, Bangladesh," Tropical Agriculture and Development 69(1), 2025, pp. 1–8.
- ↑ Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894). Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893–94. Vol. I: Report. Simla: Government Central Printing Office. ch. VI, "Preparation of the raw drugs from the cultivated and wild plant", paras. 220–225, pp. 85–87 – via Internet Archive.
- ↑ Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894). Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893–94. Vol. I: Report. Simla: Government Central Printing Office. ch. VIII, "Extent of use and the manner and forms in which the hemp drugs are consumed", paras. 415–429, pp. 154–158 – via Internet Archive.
- ↑ Rahman, A.M. et al., "Reviving industrial hemp in Bangladesh: opportunity, challenges, and prospects," Indian Journal of Natural Products and Resources 16(1), 2025, pp. 60–70.
- ↑ Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894). Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, 1893–94. Vol. I: Report. Simla: Government Central Printing Office. ch. I, "Introductory", para. 2, p. 1 – via Internet Archive.
- ↑ Chattopadhyaya, Utathya (June 2026). Ganja Matters: Empire and the Pursuits of Cannabis in British India. Oakland: University of California Press. doi:10.1525/luminos.276. ISBN 9780520425699.