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|cannabis_plates  = Tab. LXXVII
|cannabis_plates  = Tab. LXXVII
|growing_regions  = [[Ambon]], [[Java]], [[Papua]]
|growing_regions  = [[Ambon]], [[Java]], [[Papua]]
|varieties        = Ginji Lacki Lacki (male), unnamed female, [[Ginji Papoua]]
|varieties        = Ginji Lacki Lacki (male), Ginji Papoua
|preparations      = Smoked with tobacco; ''Majub'' (edible compound); leaf tea; juice with betel; aphrodisiac seed preparation
|preparations      = Smoked with tobacco; ''Majub'' (edible compound); leaf tea; juice with betel; aphrodisiac seed preparation
|uses_documented  = Medicinal, recreational, aphrodisiac, military
|uses_documented  = Medicinal, recreational, aphrodisiac
|taxonomic_significance = First published use of the name ''Cannabis indica''
|taxonomic_significance = Contains an early use of the name ''Cannabis indica'', predating Lamarck (1785)
|digital_facsimile = https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/item/10355
|digital_facsimile = https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/item/10355
|original_held_at  = Leiden University Libraries (MS BPL 314)
|original_held_at  = Leiden University Libraries (MS BPL 314)
Line 28: Line 28:
}}
}}


The '''''Herbarium Amboinense''''' (full Latin title: ''Herbarium Amboinense, plurimas complectens arbores, frutices, herbas, plantas terrestres & aquaticas...''; Dutch: ''Het Amboinsche Kruid-boek'') is a six-volume botanical catalogue of the plants of [[Ambon|Ambon Island]] in the [[Maluku Islands]] of [[Indonesia]], composed by the German-born naturalist '''[[Georg Eberhard Rumphius]]''' (1627–1702) during his decades of service with the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Published posthumously in Amsterdam between 1741 and 1750, the work described approximately 1,200 species and laid the foundation for all subsequent study of the flora of the Moluccas.
The '''''Herbarium Amboinense''''' (Dutch: ''Het Amboinsche Kruid-boek'') is a six-volume botanical catalogue of the plants of [[Ambon|Ambon Island]] in the [[Maluku Islands]] of [[Indonesia]], composed by the German-born naturalist '''[[Georg Eberhard Rumphius]]''' (1627–1702) during his service with the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Edited by Johannes Burman, it was published posthumously in Amsterdam between 1741 and 1750, describing approximately 1,200 species.<ref name="jarvis">Jarvis, C.E. (2019). "Georg Rumphius' ''Herbarium Amboinense'' (1741–1750) as a source of information for Carl Linnaeus." ''Gardens' Bulletin Singapore'' 71 (Suppl. 2): 87–107.</ref> The botanist E.M. Beekman has described the work as foundational to the study of Moluccan flora.<ref name="beekman">Beekman, E.M. (2011). ''The Ambonese Herbal'', vol. 1, Introduction. New Haven: Yale University Press.</ref>


For the purposes of cannabis documentation and landrace conservation, the ''Herbarium Amboinense'' is significant as the '''earliest published source to use the name ''Cannabis indica''''', predating [[Jean-Baptiste Lamarck|Lamarck's]] formal taxonomic description of 1785 by more than four decades. '''Chapter XXXIV''' of '''Volume 5''' (pages 208–211, with '''Plate LXXVII''') contains the most detailed ethnobotanical account of cannabis in the eastern Indonesian archipelago from the colonial period, documenting three distinct varieties, multiple preparation methods, medicinal applications observed firsthand and the Malay concept of '''''Hayal''''' - a state of intoxicated transcendence described as an attribute befitting kings.
'''Chapter XXXIV''' of '''Volume 5''' (pages 208–211, with '''Plate LXXVII''') contains a detailed account of cannabis in the eastern Indonesian archipelago, including descriptions of three forms of the plant, multiple preparation methods, medicinal uses and the Malay concept of '''''Hayal'''''.<ref name="rumphius-v5">Rumphius, G.E. (1747). ''Herbarium Amboinense'', vol. 5, pp. 208–211, Tab. LXXVII. Amsterdam: Changuion, Uytwerf & Catuffe. [https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/item/10355 BHL].</ref> The chapter uses the name '''''Cannabis indica''''' for the Ambon plant — a designation that predates [[Jean-Baptiste Lamarck|Lamarck's]] formal taxonomic description of ''Cannabis indica'' in 1785.<ref name="merrill">Merrill, E.D. (1917). ''An Interpretation of Rumphius's Herbarium Amboinense'', p. 199. Manila: Bureau of Printing. [https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/bibliography/79163 BHL].</ref>


== Composition and publication ==
== Composition and publication ==


Rumphius arrived in Ambon in 1653 as a soldier of the VOC and spent the remainder of his life there, eventually becoming the Company's official naturalist. He began systematic botanical work in the 1660s, maintaining a garden from which he documented both indigenous and imported species. He went completely blind from glaucoma in 1670 but continued his work with the assistance of others, including his wife Suzanna, who was killed along with their daughter in the earthquake and tsunami of 17 February 1674.{{Citation needed}}
Rumphius arrived in Ambon in 1653 as a VOC soldier and spent the remainder of his life on the island.<ref name="jarvis" /> He went blind from glaucoma in 1670 and continued his work with the assistance of others, including his wife Suzanna, who was killed along with their daughter in the earthquake and tsunami of 17 February 1674.<ref name="wp-rumphius">{{cite web |title=Georg Eberhard Rumphius |url=https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georg_Eberhard_Rumphius |access-date=2026-02-23 |note=For basic biographical dates; primary biographical source is Beekman (2011).}}</ref>


The manuscript of the ''Herbarium Amboinense'' was first completed around 1690, but the ship carrying it to the Netherlands was sunk by the French, and Rumphius was forced to reconstruct the work from a copy that Governor Johannes Camphuys had prudently retained. The reconstructed manuscript reached the Netherlands in 1696, only for the VOC to suppress it — the Company judged that it contained too much commercially sensitive information about the spice trade. Rumphius died in 1702 without seeing his life's work in print. The embargo was lifted in 1704, but no publisher came forward until Johannes Burman, Director of the Amsterdam Botanical Garden, edited and published the work in six folio volumes between 1741 and 1750, with a supplementary ''Auctuarium'' in 1755.{{Citation needed}}
The manuscript was first completed around 1690, but the ship carrying it to the Netherlands was sunk by the French.<ref name="beekman" /> Rumphius reconstructed the work from a copy that Governor Johannes Camphuys had retained.<ref name="beekman" /> The reconstructed manuscript reached the Netherlands in 1696, but the VOC withheld publication Beekman reports that the Company judged the work contained commercially sensitive information about the spice trade.<ref name="beekman" /> Rumphius died in 1702 without seeing it in print. The embargo was lifted in 1704, but the work was not published until Burman edited it between 1741 and 1750, with a supplementary ''Auctuarium'' in 1755.<ref name="jarvis" />


The work was published bilingually in Latin and Dutch, with plant descriptions accompanied by copper-plate engravings. It recorded plant names in Malay, Latin, Dutch, and Ambonese, often adding Macassarese and Chinese equivalents making it an unparalleled multilingual record of indigenous botanical knowledge from this period. {{peacock term}} {{cn}}
The work was published in Latin and Dutch, with plant names recorded in Malay, Latin, Dutch, Ambonese and in some entries also in Macassarese and Chinese.<ref name="beekman" />


== Cannabis content: Chapter XXXIV ==
== Cannabis content: Chapter XXXIV ==


The cannabis entry occupies Chapter XXXIV of Volume 5, titled '''''De Indische Hennip''''' ("Indian Hemp") in the Dutch text and ''Cannabis Indica, seu Herba stultorum'' ("Indian Cannabis, or Herb of Fools") in the Latin. The chapter spans pages 208–211 with the accompanying botanical illustration at Plate LXXVII. A following Chapter XXXV (page 212) describes '''''Ganja sativa''''', which is actually '''ramie''' (''Boehmeria nivea'') — a fiber plant also called "ganja" in Malay, demonstrating that the word was applied to multiple fiber-producing plants, with the specific cannabis plant distinguished by the name '''''Ginji'''''.
The cannabis entry occupies Chapter XXXIV of Volume 5, titled '''''De Indische Hennip''''' ("Indian Hemp") in the Dutch text and ''Cannabis Indica, seu Herba stultorum'' ("Indian Cannabis, or Herb of Fools") in the Latin.<ref name="rumphius-v5" /> The chapter spans pages 208–211, with the accompanying botanical illustration at Plate LXXVII.


=== Three varieties documented ===
The following Chapter XXXV (page 212) describes a plant Rumphius calls '''''Ganja sativa''''', which Merrill identifies as '''ramie''' (''Boehmeria nivea''), a fiber plant also known as "ganja" in Malay.<ref name="merrill" /> Rumphius uses the name '''''Ginji''''' for the cannabis plant specifically.


Rumphius describes three distinct forms of cannabis cultivated or observed in Ambon:
=== Three forms described ===
 
Rumphius describes three forms of cannabis observed or cultivated in Ambon.<ref name="rumphius-v5" /> All botanical details below are from Volume 5, pages 208–211, unless otherwise noted.


==== Ginji Lacki Lacki (male) ====
==== Ginji Lacki Lacki (male) ====


The male plant, called '''''Ginji Lacki Lacki''''', is described as having a simple, straight stem, slightly angular, firm, and pale green, reaching '''six to seven feet''' in height with few lateral branches set obliquely upright. The bark is thinner than that of European hemp but can still be split into threads. The leaves are divided into '''five narrow leaflets''' (''lacinia''), serrated all around, the largest about five inches long. On larger branches, '''seven to nine leaflets''' appear together (usually seven); on lateral branches, three; at the apex, a single leaflet. Rumphius notes that the male flowers in greater abundance than the female but with smaller blossoms.
The male plant, called '''''Ginji Lacki Lacki''''', is described as having a simple, straight stem, slightly angular, firm and pale green, reaching six to seven feet in height with few lateral branches. The leaves are divided into five narrow leaflets, serrated, the largest about five inches long. On larger branches, seven to nine leaflets appear together (usually seven); on lateral branches, three; at the apex, a single leaflet.


==== Female ====
==== Female ====


The female plant grows taller — '''ten feet''' — with a darker green coloring, rougher texture, and stronger smell. It bears seven leaflets on the main stem, three on side branches, and one at the top. The seeds are described as acuminate (pointed), cone-shaped, glaucous (pale blue-green), and oily to the touch, with a surface striated like a rice grain in its husk. Rumphius provides a vivid sensory detail: when gathering the seed pods, ''"the fingers become dirty with a greasy sap, more than when picking fresh Tobacco leaves, filling the nose with a heavy smell."''
The female plant is described as taller — ten feet — with darker green, rougher leaves and a stronger smell. It bears seven leaflets on the main stem, three on side branches and one at the top. The seeds are described as acuminate, cone-shaped, glaucous and oily, with a surface striated like a rice grain in its husk. Rumphius notes that when gathering the seed pods, "the fingers become dirty with a greasy sap, more than when picking fresh Tobacco leaves, filling the nose with a heavy smell."<ref name="rumphius-v5" />


==== Ginji Papoua ====
==== Ginji Papoua ====


A third variety from eastern Indonesia:
Rumphius describes a third form from eastern Indonesia:
 
{{Quote|In Ambon there is also a third species, called '''''Ginji Papoua''''', short of stem, with small narrow leaves heaped together in bundles, between which the seed with its pods stick out, brought from the '''Papuan and Sula Islands''', but mostly so named because its foliage is so curled and wrinkled like the hair of Papuans.|source=Rumphius, ''Herbarium Amboinense'', Vol. 5, p. 211}}


{{Quote|"In Ambon there is also a third species, called '''''Ginji Papoua''''', short of stem, with small narrow leaves heaped together in bundles, between which the seed with its pods stick out, brought from the '''Papuan and Sula Islands''', but mostly so named because its foliage is so curled and wrinkled like the hair of Papuans.}}
Hasskarl (1866) later made Rumphius's description of this form the basis of a new variety, ''Cannabis sativa'' var. ''crispata''.<ref name="merrill" />


This description documents a morphologically distinct cannabis variety from the easternmost extent of the Indonesian archipelago. The compact growth habit, bundled leaf arrangement, and wrinkled foliage distinguish it from both the tall male and taller female forms observed in Ambon proper. Whether the ''Ginji Papoua'' represents a genuinely separate genetic lineage or a phenotypic response to different growing conditions remains an open question with potential significance for understanding cannabis diversity in Island Southeast Asia."
This is the earliest known documentation of cannabis from the Papuan or Sula Islands region.{{cn}}


=== Javanese seed supply ===
=== Javanese seed supply ===


Rumphius states that cannabis in Ambon is ''"more common in the upper lands of India than in these eastern quarters"'' and is ''"only seen in certain gardens"'' where it is ''"propagated through Javanese seed."'' Critically, he observes that although the Ambon plants produce seed, the plant ''"will not continue beyond two generations"'' without restocking from Java.
Rumphius states that cannabis in Ambon is "more common in the upper lands of India than in these eastern quarters" and is "only seen in certain gardens" where it is "propagated through Javanese seed." He observes that although the Ambon plants produce seed, the plant "will not continue beyond two generations" without restocking from Java.<ref name="rumphius-v5" />
 
This documents an active '''Java-to-Ambon seed trade network''' in the late seventeenth century, and suggests that the equatorial conditions of Ambon (approximately 3.7°S latitude) were marginal for sustained cannabis cultivation. The need for periodic Javanese restocking implies that either the plants failed to adapt to local conditions across generations, or that the small Ambonese growing population suffered from inbreeding depression. In either case, Java functioned as the upstream seed source for cannabis cultivation across the eastern archipelago.


=== The concept of ''Hayal'' ===
=== The concept of ''Hayal'' ===


Rumphius provides the most detailed early European account of the Malay concept of '''''Hayal''''' a specific state of cannabis intoxication that he translates as a kind of ''vertiginous drunkenness'':
Rumphius provides an account of the Malay concept of '''''Hayal''''', which he describes as a state of intoxication:


{{Quote|This vertiginous drunkenness the Malays call '''''Hayal''''', and they say it is a quality or custom '''befitting their Kings''', who could not bear the burden and cares of government without sometimes making themselves ''Hayal'' with this or similar medicine.}}
{{Quote|This vertiginous drunkenness the Malays call '''''Hayal''''' and they say it is a quality or custom befitting their Kings, who could not bear the burden and cares of government without sometimes making themselves ''Hayal'' with this or similar medicine.|source=Rumphius, ''Herbarium Amboinense'', Vol. 5, p. 210}}


He reinforces this with a quotation attributed to the last Sultan of Cambay ([[Gujarat]]):
He supplements this with a quotation he attributes to the Sultan of Cambay ([[Gujarat]]):


{{Quote|Whenever he wished to travel in his dreams through Portugal, Brazil, and other lands, he needed only take a little ''Bangue'' mixed with sugar and the aforesaid spices, called ''Majoeh''.}}
{{Quote|Whenever he wished to travel in his dreams through Portugal, Brazil and other lands, he needed only take a little ''Bangue'' mixed with sugar and the aforesaid spices, called ''Majoeh''.|source=Sultan of Cambay, as quoted by Rumphius, Vol. 5, p. 210}}


The framing of cannabis intoxication as a '''royal prerogative''' rather than a vice stands in sharp contrast to the European characterization embedded in the Latin name ''Herba stultorum'' ("Herb of Fools"). Rumphius, to his credit, records both perspectives without entirely dismissing the Malay view, even as his own account emphasizes the dangers of immoderate use.
The Sultan of Cambay anecdote also appears in Garcia ab Orta's ''Colóquios dos simples e drogas da India'' (1563), from which Rumphius draws several times in this chapter.{{cn}}


=== Preparations ===
=== Preparations ===


Drawing on the Portuguese physician Garcia ab Orta's ''Colóquios dos simples e drogas da India'' (1563) and his own observations, Rumphius documents several preparation methods:
Drawing on the Portuguese physician [[Garcia ab Orta]]'s ''Colóquios'' (1563) and his own observations, Rumphius describes several preparation methods:<ref name="rumphius-v5" />


# '''Juice with betel''': The juice pressed from leaves and seed, mixed with ''Areca'' and ''Pinang'' (betel nut and leaf), and drunk — ''"which inebriates and greatly disturbs the senses."''
# '''Juice with betel''': Juice pressed from leaves and seed, mixed with ''Areca'' and ''Pinang'' (betel nut and leaf) and drunk — "which inebriates and greatly disturbs the senses."
# '''Smoked with tobacco''': Dried leaves mixed with tobacco and smoked — described as ''"even more effective"'' than the liquid preparation. This is the method Rumphius himself observed in Ambon.
# '''Smoked with tobacco''': Dried leaves mixed with tobacco and smoked — described as "even more effective" than the liquid preparation. This is the method Rumphius states he observed personally in Ambon.
# '''Majub''' (= Turkish ''Maslach''): An edible compound for producing pleasant dreams and deep sleep, composed of cannabis with ''"a little nutmeg, mace, cloves, the best camphor, and opium."''
# '''''Majub''''': An edible compound for producing sleep, composed of cannabis with "a little nutmeg, mace, cloves, the best camphor and opium." Rumphius identifies this as equivalent to the Turkish ''Maslach''.{{cn}}
# '''Aphrodisiac''': Seed prepared with ''"Musk, Amber, and Sugar."''
# '''Aphrodisiac''': Seed prepared with "Musk, Amber and Sugar."
# '''Leaf tea''': Dried leaves steeped in hot water and drunk ''"like tea-water, when they want to become half-drunk or ''Hayal''."'' This casual preparation method, documented from the Hitu Muslims on Ambon, represents the mildest form of use.
# '''Leaf tea''': Dried leaves steeped in hot water and drunk "like tea-water, when they want to become half-drunk or ''Hayal''." Rumphius attributes this practice to the Muslim inhabitants of [[Hitu]], Ambon.


=== Medicinal uses observed in Ambon ===
=== Medicinal uses observed in Ambon ===


Rumphius records specific medicinal applications that he witnessed firsthand among '''the Moors of Hitoe''' (Muslim inhabitants of the [[Hitu]] peninsula on Ambon), who obtained plant material from '''Rumphius's own garden''':
Rumphius records that the Muslim inhabitants of the Hitu peninsula on Ambon (referred to in his text as "the Moors of Hitoe") used cannabis medicinally and that they obtained plant material from his garden:<ref name="rumphius-v5" />
 
* '''Male root for gonorrhea''': The root of the male plant was chewed as a treatment for ''"virulent Gonorrhea."''
* '''Female leaves for respiratory conditions''': The green leaves of the female plant were boiled in water with cloves and nutmeg, and the decoction given to those suffering from ''"chest tightness, Asthma, with stabbing pains as if Pleurisy."''


That these medicinal applications were carried out by Hitu Muslims using plants cultivated in a European naturalist's garden speaks to the cross-cultural botanical exchange occurring in seventeenth-century Ambon — and to the trust Rumphius had established with local knowledge holders over decades of residence.
* '''Male root for gonorrhea''': The root of the male plant, chewed as a treatment for what Rumphius calls "virulent Gonorrhea."
* '''Female leaves for respiratory complaints''': The green leaves of the female plant, boiled in water with cloves and nutmeg, given to those suffering from "chest tightness, Asthma, with stabbing pains as if Pleurisy."


=== Personal observations of use ===
=== Personal observations of use ===


Unlike many colonial-era botanical writers who relied entirely on secondhand accounts, Rumphius describes witnessing cannabis use directly:
Rumphius describes witnessing the effects of cannabis smoked with tobacco:


{{Quote|I have seen various effects of this plant in those who mixed it with Tobacco and smoked it: some became completely furious, wanting nothing but to fight and smash everything. Others, of a more moist and melancholic humour, began to weep, with sardonic laughter, and yet also to threaten.}}
{{Quote|I have seen various effects of this plant in those who mixed it with Tobacco and smoked it: some became completely furious, wanting nothing but to fight and smash everything. Others, of a more moist and melancholic humour, began to weep, with sardonic laughter and yet also to threaten.|source=Rumphius, ''Herbarium Amboinense'', Vol. 5, p. 210}}


He concludes from observation that ''"the most maddening power lies in the leaves, not in the seed, which in small quantity can be eaten without harm."''
He concludes that "the most maddening power lies in the leaves, not in the seed, which in small quantity can be eaten without harm."<ref name="rumphius-v5" />


Rumphius also records a military application via Julius Caesar Scaliger: the Turks used ''Maslach'' before battle ''"to be bold or half-mad, and to despise all dangers"'' — paralleling the use of opium for similar purposes elsewhere in Asia.
Rumphius also cites [[Julius Caesar Scaliger]] as reporting that the Turks used ''Maslach'' before battle "to be bold or half-mad and to despise all dangers."<ref name="rumphius-v5" />


== Taxonomic significance ==
== Taxonomic significance ==


The ''Herbarium Amboinense'' occupies a pivotal position in the taxonomic history of cannabis. Rumphius's use of the name '''''Cannabis indica''''' in this work — composed around 1690 and published in 1741 predates the formal description by Lamarck in 1785 that is conventionally cited as the origin of the ''indica'' designation.
Rumphius's use of the name '''''Cannabis indica''''' in this chapter, composed around 1690 and published in 1741, predates the formal description of ''Cannabis indica'' by Lamarck in 1785.<ref name="merrill" /> The nomenclatural history of Rumphius's cannabis entry has been traced by several scholars:
 
* '''Linnaeus (1753)''': In ''Species Plantarum'', Linnaeus referenced Rumphius in his treatment of the genus but recognized only a single species, ''Cannabis sativa''.<ref name="jarvis" />
* '''Linnaeus and Stickman (1754)''': In the dissertation ''Herbarium Amboinense'', Linnaeus systematically reviewed Rumphius's work, reducing Rumphius's ''Cannabis indica'' to ''Cannabis sativa''.<ref name="jarvis" /> Jarvis (2019) notes that only about 100 of the nearly 700 taxa illustrated by Rumphius were referenced across all of Linnaeus's publications.<ref name="jarvis" />
* '''Lamarck (1785)''': In ''Encyclopédie méthodique'', Lamarck formally described ''Cannabis indica'' as distinct from ''Cannabis sativa'', based on specimens from India.{{cn}}
* '''Hasskarl (1866)''': Made Rumphius's third variety (the ''Ginji Papoua'') the type of ''Cannabis sativa'' var. ''crispata''.<ref name="merrill" />
* '''Merrill (1917)''': Confirmed the botanical identifications in the ''Herbarium Amboinense'' and documented the nomenclatural chain from Rumphius through Linnaeus.<ref name="merrill" />
 
Whether Lamarck was aware of Rumphius's earlier use of the name ''Cannabis indica'' when composing his own description has not been established in the literature.{{cn}}
 
== Plate LXXVII ==
 
Plate LXXVII accompanies the text of Chapter XXXIV and depicts two cannabis forms. The plate legend identifies:<ref name="rumphius-v5" />
 
* '''Figure 1''': The male ''Cannabis indica'', labeled ''Ginji Lacki Lacki''.
* '''Figure 2''': Described as the female and "a smaller species, also called ''Ginji Papoua''."
 
Both figures depict plants with narrow, serrated leaflets in a palmate arrangement.
 
== Significance for landrace documentation ==
 
Rumphius's cannabis chapter documents cultivation practices, preparation methods, medicinal uses and named varieties present in seventeenth-century Ambon. Of particular note for landrace documentation:


The chain of influence runs as follows:
* The '''Ginji Papoua''' from the Papuan and Sula Islands, described as morphologically distinct from the Ambon-grown forms, has not been the subject of modern botanical or genetic study.{{cn}}
* The dependence on '''Javanese seed''' and the reported two-generation limit for Ambon cultivation suggest that cannabis was maintained rather than naturalized in the eastern archipelago during this period.
* The '''medicinal applications''' recorded from Hitu's Muslim community — root preparations for gonorrhea, leaf decoctions for respiratory complaints — represent the only known documentation of cannabis-based medicine specific to the Maluku Islands from the colonial period.{{cn}}
* The '''Malay concept of ''Hayal''''' places cannabis use within a cultural framework distinct from both the European pathologization ("Herb of Fools") and the modern prohibitionist framing that followed Dutch colonial drug legislation in the twentieth century.


* '''Rumphius (composed c. 1690, published 1741)''': Names the Ambon plant ''Cannabis indica'' in Chapter XXXIV of Volume 5, distinguishing it from European hemp. Also identifies a third variety, ''Ginji Papoua'', from the Papuan and Sula Islands.
Cannabis cultivation in Ambon is not documented in modern sources.{{cn}} The [[Indonesia|Indonesian]] government's prohibition framework, beginning with the ''Verdovende Middelen Ordonnantie'' of 1927 and continued through post-independence narcotics legislation (1976, 2009), has been accompanied by sustained eradication campaigns, particularly in [[Aceh]] and [[North Sumatra]].{{cn}} The status of the varieties Rumphius described including the ''Ginji Papoua'' — is unknown.
* '''Linnaeus (1753)''': In ''Species Plantarum'', references Rumphius when discussing the genus ''Cannabina'', though Linnaeus recognizes only a single species, ''Cannabis sativa''.
* '''Linnaeus (1754)''': In his dissertation ''Herbarium Amboinense'', written with student Olof Stickman, Linnaeus systematically reviews Rumphius's work in a twin-column format, reducing Rumphius's ''Cannabis indica'' to ''Cannabis sativa''. Only about 100 of the nearly 700 taxa illustrated by Rumphius were referenced across all of Linnaeus's publications.
* '''Lamarck (1785)''': In ''Encyclopédie méthodique'', formally describes ''Cannabis indica'' as a species distinct from ''Cannabis sativa'', based on specimens from India. Whether Lamarck was directly influenced by Rumphius's earlier use of the name is uncertain, but the conceptual framework that cannabis from the Indian subcontinent and Southeast Asia represented something taxonomically distinct from European fiber hemp — was established by Rumphius nearly a century earlier.
* '''Hasskarl (1866)''': Made Rumphius's ''Cannabis indica tertia'' (the ''Ginji Papoua'') the type of a new variety, ''Cannabis sativa'' var. ''crispata'', recognizing the morphological distinctiveness that Rumphius had documented.
* '''Merrill (1917)''': In ''An Interpretation of Rumphius's Herbarium Amboinense'', confirmed the botanical identifications and traced the nomenclatural chain from Rumphius through Linnaeus, providing the modern scholarly apparatus for the work.


The ''Herbarium Amboinense'' thus represents not only the first published use of ''Cannabis indica'' as a name, but also the earliest documented recognition that cannabis varieties from Southeast Asia's tropical latitudes exhibited morphological and pharmacological characteristics distinct from temperate-latitude fiber hemp — a distinction that remains central to cannabis taxonomy and landrace classification today.
== Dispersal context ==


== Plate LXXVII ==
The ''Ginji Papoua'' is the earliest documented cannabis from the Papuan and Sula Islands region. The standard account of cannabis in the western Pacific posits a late introduction — the Wikipedia article on cannabis in Papua New Guinea, for example, states that the plant "is believed to have been introduced to PNG by Australian and American expatriates in the 1960s-1970s." Rumphius's description predates this narrative by three centuries and records a morphologically distinct, locally named variety, suggesting an established rather than recent presence.


Plate LXXVII accompanies the text of Chapter XXXIV and depicts two cannabis forms:
=== Cannabis pollen in Madagascar ===


* '''Figure 1''' (left): The male ''Cannabis indica'', labeled ''Ginji Lacki Lacki''. The illustration shows a narrow-leaflet plant with the palmate leaf arrangement and serrated margins described in the text.
Evidence for the antiquity of cannabis in the Austronesian world comes from the opposite end of the Indian Ocean. At Lake Tritrivakely in the central highlands of Madagascar, cannabis or ''Humulus'' pollen (the two genera are difficult to distinguish palynologically) appears in a sediment core at an interpolated date of approximately 2,200 cal yr BP (c. 200 BCE).<ref name="burney1987">Burney, D.A. (1987). "Late Holocene vegetational change in central Madagascar." ''Quaternary Research'' 28(1): 130–143.</ref><ref name="burney2004">Burney, D.A. et al. (2004). "A chronology for late prehistoric Madagascar." ''Journal of Human Evolution'' 47(1–2): 25–63.</ref> A second site, Lake Kavitaha, shows cannabis pollen around AD 500.<ref name="blench">Blench, R. (2007). "New palaeozoogeographical evidence for the settlement of Madagascar." ''Azania'' 42: 69–82.</ref> Cannabis has no natural range in Madagascar; Burney et al. treat its pollen as a proxy for human presence, listing it alongside other indicators including microscopic charcoal, modified animal bones and ruderal pollen.<ref name="burney2004" />
* '''Figure 2''' (right): Described in the plate legend as the female and ''"a smaller species, also called Ginji Papoua."'' This figure shows a more compact plant with narrower, more congested foliage.


The narrow-leaflet morphology depicted in both figures is consistent with what modern classification describes as '''narrow-leaf drug type (NLD)''' — the phenotype characteristic of equatorial and tropical-latitude cannabis landraces from Southeast Asia. This visual record from the 1690s provides an important baseline for understanding the historical morphology of Indonesian cannabis before centuries of eradication, hybridization, and genetic erosion.
The settlement of Madagascar by Austronesian-speaking peoples from Island Southeast Asia is well established through linguistic, genetic and archaeological evidence.<ref name="crowther">Crowther, A. et al. (2016). "Ancient crops provide first archaeological signature of the westward Austronesian expansion." ''PNAS'' 113(24): 6635–6640.</ref> Crowther et al. (2016) documented Asian cultigens including rice, mung bean and cotton as the "first archaeological signature of the westward Austronesian expansion" in East Africa and the Comoros Islands.<ref name="crowther" /> Pearce and Pearce (2010) argue that this migration followed an established transoceanic trade route, the Cinnamon Route, which used the Equatorial Current from the Spice Islands to East Africa.<ref name="pearce">Pearce, C.E.M. and Pearce, F.M. (2010). ''Oceanic Migration: Paths, Sequence, Timing and Range of Prehistoric Migration in the Pacific and Indian Oceans'', pp. 67–85. Dordrecht: Springer.</ref>


== Significance for landrace conservation ==
Kirch has described the ensemble of plants, animals and cultural technologies that Austronesian colonizers carried into new settlements as a "transported landscape."<ref name="kirch">Kirch, P.V. (2000). ''On the Road of the Winds: An Archaeological History of the Pacific Islands Before European Contact'', pp. 109, 126–129. Berkeley: University of California Press.</ref> Whether cannabis formed part of this transported landscape has not been directly investigated. The Madagascar pollen data has been discussed in the context of human settlement chronology, with cannabis treated as a marker for human presence rather than as a subject of dispersal study in its own right.<ref name="burney2004" /><ref name="blench" />


The ''Herbarium Amboinense'' documents a moment in time — the late seventeenth century — when cannabis was cultivated in Ambon gardens, traded from Java, known in distinct varieties from Papua, used medicinally by Hitu Muslims, smoked recreationally with tobacco, and conceptualized within a Malay framework (''Hayal'') that framed intoxication as a legitimate practice with royal precedent.
=== The Makassar trade route and Australia ===


Every element of this documented culture has since been disrupted or destroyed. The Dutch colonial ''Verdovende Middelen Ordonnantie'' of 1927, Indonesia's post-independence narcotics laws (1976, 2009), and continuous BNN eradication campaigns have driven cannabis cultivation underground or eliminated it entirely across most of the archipelago. The ''Ginji Papoua'' — a potentially unique genetic lineage from eastern Indonesia — may no longer exist. The Javanese seed trade that supplied Ambon is gone. The medicinal knowledge of Hitu's Muslim community is undocumented beyond Rumphius's account.
The Papuan and Sula Islands, Rumphius's source for the ''Ginji Papoua'', lie within a region connected by long-distance maritime trade networks. Makassan trepangers from [[Sulawesi]] sailed annually to [[Arnhem Land]] in northern Australia to harvest sea cucumbers, a trade documented from the mid-seventeenth century and possibly considerably older.<ref name="macknight">Macknight, C.C. (1976). ''The Voyage to Marege': Macassan Trepangers in Northern Australia''. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press.</ref> Macknight recorded physical evidence of Makassan campsites along the northern Australian coast and documented the exchange of tobacco with [[Yolngu]] communities through these networks.<ref name="macknight" />


What remains is this text: a blind naturalist's meticulous record of a plant, its varieties, its uses, and the people who cultivated it, composed over three centuries ago on a small island in the Spice Islands — and still the most detailed primary source on historical cannabis culture in eastern Indonesia.
A cannabis variety known as '''Australian Bastard Cannabis''' (ABC), first documented near Sydney in the 1970s, has been noted for its unusual morphology: compact growth, with small curled and wrinkled leaves that lack typical cannabis serration, making it difficult to identify as cannabis.{{cn}} The morphological description bears similarities to Rumphius's description of the ''Ginji Papoua'' ("curled and wrinkled" foliage, compact habit). No genetic or botanical comparison between the two has been conducted.{{cn}}


== See also ==
== See also ==


* [[Indonesia]] — Country page
* [[Indonesia]] — Country page
* [[Cannabis in Ambon]] — Growing region (historical)
* [[Cannabis in Java]] — Growing region
* [[Cannabis in Papua]] — Growing region (historical)
* [[Garcia ab Orta]] — Portuguese physician cited by Rumphius
* [[Garcia ab Orta]] — Portuguese physician cited by Rumphius
* ''[[Colóquios dos simples e drogas da India]]'' — Garcia ab Orta's 1563 work on Indian medicinal plants
* ''[[Colóquios dos simples e drogas da India]]'' — Garcia ab Orta's 1563 work on Indian medicinal plants


== References ==
== References ==
<references />
=== Further reading ===


* Beekman, E.M. (2011). ''The Ambonese Herbal'', vols. 1–6. New Haven: Yale University Press.
* Beekman, E.M. (2011). ''The Ambonese Herbal'', vols. 1–6. New Haven: Yale University Press.
* Jarvis, C.E. (2019). "Georg Rumphius' ''Herbarium Amboinense'' (1741–1750) as a source of information for Carl Linnaeus." ''Gardens' Bulletin Singapore'' 71 (Suppl. 2): 87–107.
* Merrill, E.D. (1917). ''An Interpretation of Rumphius's Herbarium Amboinense''. Manila: Bureau of Printing. [https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/bibliography/79163 BHL].
* Merrill, E.D. (1917). ''An Interpretation of Rumphius's Herbarium Amboinense''. Manila: Bureau of Printing. [https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/bibliography/79163 BHL].
* Rumphius, G.E. (1747). ''Herbarium Amboinense'', vol. 5, pp. 208–211, Tab. LXXVII. Amsterdam: Changuion, Uytwerf & Catuffe. [https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/item/10355 BHL].
* Wit, H.C.D. de (ed.) (1959). ''Rumphius Memorial Volume''. Baarn: Hollandia.
* Wit, H.C.D. de (ed.) (1959). ''Rumphius Memorial Volume''. Baarn: Hollandia.


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Tab. LXXVII from Volume 5: Cannabis indica male (Fig. 1, "Ginji Lacki Lacki") and female/Ginji Papoua (Fig. 2)
Tab. LXXVII from Volume 5: Cannabis indica male (Fig. 1, "Ginji Lacki Lacki") and female/Ginji Papoua (Fig. 2)
Tab. LXXVII from Volume 5: Cannabis indica male (Fig. 1, "Ginji Lacki Lacki") and female/Ginji Papoua (Fig. 2)
Het Amboinsche Kruid-boek
The Amboinese Herbal
Herbarium Amboinense
Publication
AuthorGeorg Eberhard Rumphius(1627–1702)
EditorJohannes Burman
LanguageLatin, Dutch
Composedc. 1690
Published1741–1750
PublisherChanguion, Uytwerf & Catuffe
PlaceAmsterdam
Volumes6 (plus 1 supplement, 1755)
Cannabis Content
Volume5
Pages208–211
ChapterXXXIV — De Indische Hennip (Indian Hemp)
PlatesTab. LXXVII
Regions documentedAmbon, Java, Papua
Varieties describedGinji Lacki Lacki (male), Ginji Papoua
PreparationsSmoked with tobacco; Majub (edible compound); leaf tea; juice with betel; aphrodisiac seed preparation
Uses documentedMedicinal, recreational, aphrodisiac
Taxonomic significanceContains an early use of the name Cannabis indica, predating Lamarck (1785)
Access
Digital facsimileView on BHL
Original held atLeiden University Libraries (MS BPL 314)
Modern translationBeekman, E.M. (2011). The Ambonese Herbal, vols. 1–6. Yale University Press


The Herbarium Amboinense (Dutch: Het Amboinsche Kruid-boek) is a six-volume botanical catalogue of the plants of Ambon Island in the Maluku Islands of Indonesia, composed by the German-born naturalist Georg Eberhard Rumphius (1627–1702) during his service with the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Edited by Johannes Burman, it was published posthumously in Amsterdam between 1741 and 1750, describing approximately 1,200 species.[1] The botanist E.M. Beekman has described the work as foundational to the study of Moluccan flora.[2]

Chapter XXXIV of Volume 5 (pages 208–211, with Plate LXXVII) contains a detailed account of cannabis in the eastern Indonesian archipelago, including descriptions of three forms of the plant, multiple preparation methods, medicinal uses and the Malay concept of Hayal.[3] The chapter uses the name Cannabis indica for the Ambon plant — a designation that predates Lamarck's formal taxonomic description of Cannabis indica in 1785.[4]

Composition and publication

Rumphius arrived in Ambon in 1653 as a VOC soldier and spent the remainder of his life on the island.[1] He went blind from glaucoma in 1670 and continued his work with the assistance of others, including his wife Suzanna, who was killed along with their daughter in the earthquake and tsunami of 17 February 1674.[5]

The manuscript was first completed around 1690, but the ship carrying it to the Netherlands was sunk by the French.[2] Rumphius reconstructed the work from a copy that Governor Johannes Camphuys had retained.[2] The reconstructed manuscript reached the Netherlands in 1696, but the VOC withheld publication — Beekman reports that the Company judged the work contained commercially sensitive information about the spice trade.[2] Rumphius died in 1702 without seeing it in print. The embargo was lifted in 1704, but the work was not published until Burman edited it between 1741 and 1750, with a supplementary Auctuarium in 1755.[1]

The work was published in Latin and Dutch, with plant names recorded in Malay, Latin, Dutch, Ambonese and in some entries also in Macassarese and Chinese.[2]

Cannabis content: Chapter XXXIV

The cannabis entry occupies Chapter XXXIV of Volume 5, titled De Indische Hennip ("Indian Hemp") in the Dutch text and Cannabis Indica, seu Herba stultorum ("Indian Cannabis, or Herb of Fools") in the Latin.[3] The chapter spans pages 208–211, with the accompanying botanical illustration at Plate LXXVII.

The following Chapter XXXV (page 212) describes a plant Rumphius calls Ganja sativa, which Merrill identifies as ramie (Boehmeria nivea), a fiber plant also known as "ganja" in Malay.[4] Rumphius uses the name Ginji for the cannabis plant specifically.

Three forms described

Rumphius describes three forms of cannabis observed or cultivated in Ambon.[3] All botanical details below are from Volume 5, pages 208–211, unless otherwise noted.

Ginji Lacki Lacki (male)

The male plant, called Ginji Lacki Lacki, is described as having a simple, straight stem, slightly angular, firm and pale green, reaching six to seven feet in height with few lateral branches. The leaves are divided into five narrow leaflets, serrated, the largest about five inches long. On larger branches, seven to nine leaflets appear together (usually seven); on lateral branches, three; at the apex, a single leaflet.

Female

The female plant is described as taller — ten feet — with darker green, rougher leaves and a stronger smell. It bears seven leaflets on the main stem, three on side branches and one at the top. The seeds are described as acuminate, cone-shaped, glaucous and oily, with a surface striated like a rice grain in its husk. Rumphius notes that when gathering the seed pods, "the fingers become dirty with a greasy sap, more than when picking fresh Tobacco leaves, filling the nose with a heavy smell."[3]

Ginji Papoua

Rumphius describes a third form from eastern Indonesia:


In Ambon there is also a third species, called Ginji Papoua, short of stem, with small narrow leaves heaped together in bundles, between which the seed with its pods stick out, brought from the Papuan and Sula Islands, but mostly so named because its foliage is so curled and wrinkled like the hair of Papuans.
— Rumphius, Herbarium Amboinense, Vol. 5, p. 211


Hasskarl (1866) later made Rumphius's description of this form the basis of a new variety, Cannabis sativa var. crispata.[4]

This is the earliest known documentation of cannabis from the Papuan or Sula Islands region.[citation needed]

Javanese seed supply

Rumphius states that cannabis in Ambon is "more common in the upper lands of India than in these eastern quarters" and is "only seen in certain gardens" where it is "propagated through Javanese seed." He observes that although the Ambon plants produce seed, the plant "will not continue beyond two generations" without restocking from Java.[3]

The concept of Hayal

Rumphius provides an account of the Malay concept of Hayal, which he describes as a state of intoxication:


This vertiginous drunkenness the Malays call Hayal and they say it is a quality or custom befitting their Kings, who could not bear the burden and cares of government without sometimes making themselves Hayal with this or similar medicine.
— Rumphius, Herbarium Amboinense, Vol. 5, p. 210


He supplements this with a quotation he attributes to the Sultan of Cambay (Gujarat):


Whenever he wished to travel in his dreams through Portugal, Brazil and other lands, he needed only take a little Bangue mixed with sugar and the aforesaid spices, called Majoeh.
— Sultan of Cambay, as quoted by Rumphius, Vol. 5, p. 210


The Sultan of Cambay anecdote also appears in Garcia ab Orta's Colóquios dos simples e drogas da India (1563), from which Rumphius draws several times in this chapter.[citation needed]

Preparations

Drawing on the Portuguese physician Garcia ab Orta's Colóquios (1563) and his own observations, Rumphius describes several preparation methods:[3]

  1. Juice with betel: Juice pressed from leaves and seed, mixed with Areca and Pinang (betel nut and leaf) and drunk — "which inebriates and greatly disturbs the senses."
  2. Smoked with tobacco: Dried leaves mixed with tobacco and smoked — described as "even more effective" than the liquid preparation. This is the method Rumphius states he observed personally in Ambon.
  3. Majub: An edible compound for producing sleep, composed of cannabis with "a little nutmeg, mace, cloves, the best camphor and opium." Rumphius identifies this as equivalent to the Turkish Maslach.[citation needed]
  4. Aphrodisiac: Seed prepared with "Musk, Amber and Sugar."
  5. Leaf tea: Dried leaves steeped in hot water and drunk "like tea-water, when they want to become half-drunk or Hayal." Rumphius attributes this practice to the Muslim inhabitants of Hitu, Ambon.

Medicinal uses observed in Ambon

Rumphius records that the Muslim inhabitants of the Hitu peninsula on Ambon (referred to in his text as "the Moors of Hitoe") used cannabis medicinally and that they obtained plant material from his garden:[3]

  • Male root for gonorrhea: The root of the male plant, chewed as a treatment for what Rumphius calls "virulent Gonorrhea."
  • Female leaves for respiratory complaints: The green leaves of the female plant, boiled in water with cloves and nutmeg, given to those suffering from "chest tightness, Asthma, with stabbing pains as if Pleurisy."

Personal observations of use

Rumphius describes witnessing the effects of cannabis smoked with tobacco:


I have seen various effects of this plant in those who mixed it with Tobacco and smoked it: some became completely furious, wanting nothing but to fight and smash everything. Others, of a more moist and melancholic humour, began to weep, with sardonic laughter and yet also to threaten.
— Rumphius, Herbarium Amboinense, Vol. 5, p. 210


He concludes that "the most maddening power lies in the leaves, not in the seed, which in small quantity can be eaten without harm."[3]

Rumphius also cites Julius Caesar Scaliger as reporting that the Turks used Maslach before battle "to be bold or half-mad and to despise all dangers."[3]

Taxonomic significance

Rumphius's use of the name Cannabis indica in this chapter, composed around 1690 and published in 1741, predates the formal description of Cannabis indica by Lamarck in 1785.[4] The nomenclatural history of Rumphius's cannabis entry has been traced by several scholars:

  • Linnaeus (1753): In Species Plantarum, Linnaeus referenced Rumphius in his treatment of the genus but recognized only a single species, Cannabis sativa.[1]
  • Linnaeus and Stickman (1754): In the dissertation Herbarium Amboinense, Linnaeus systematically reviewed Rumphius's work, reducing Rumphius's Cannabis indica to Cannabis sativa.[1] Jarvis (2019) notes that only about 100 of the nearly 700 taxa illustrated by Rumphius were referenced across all of Linnaeus's publications.[1]
  • Lamarck (1785): In Encyclopédie méthodique, Lamarck formally described Cannabis indica as distinct from Cannabis sativa, based on specimens from India.[citation needed]
  • Hasskarl (1866): Made Rumphius's third variety (the Ginji Papoua) the type of Cannabis sativa var. crispata.[4]
  • Merrill (1917): Confirmed the botanical identifications in the Herbarium Amboinense and documented the nomenclatural chain from Rumphius through Linnaeus.[4]

Whether Lamarck was aware of Rumphius's earlier use of the name Cannabis indica when composing his own description has not been established in the literature.[citation needed]

Plate LXXVII

Plate LXXVII accompanies the text of Chapter XXXIV and depicts two cannabis forms. The plate legend identifies:[3]

  • Figure 1: The male Cannabis indica, labeled Ginji Lacki Lacki.
  • Figure 2: Described as the female and "a smaller species, also called Ginji Papoua."

Both figures depict plants with narrow, serrated leaflets in a palmate arrangement.

Significance for landrace documentation

Rumphius's cannabis chapter documents cultivation practices, preparation methods, medicinal uses and named varieties present in seventeenth-century Ambon. Of particular note for landrace documentation:

  • The Ginji Papoua from the Papuan and Sula Islands, described as morphologically distinct from the Ambon-grown forms, has not been the subject of modern botanical or genetic study.[citation needed]
  • The dependence on Javanese seed and the reported two-generation limit for Ambon cultivation suggest that cannabis was maintained rather than naturalized in the eastern archipelago during this period.
  • The medicinal applications recorded from Hitu's Muslim community — root preparations for gonorrhea, leaf decoctions for respiratory complaints — represent the only known documentation of cannabis-based medicine specific to the Maluku Islands from the colonial period.[citation needed]
  • The Malay concept of Hayal places cannabis use within a cultural framework distinct from both the European pathologization ("Herb of Fools") and the modern prohibitionist framing that followed Dutch colonial drug legislation in the twentieth century.

Cannabis cultivation in Ambon is not documented in modern sources.[citation needed] The Indonesian government's prohibition framework, beginning with the Verdovende Middelen Ordonnantie of 1927 and continued through post-independence narcotics legislation (1976, 2009), has been accompanied by sustained eradication campaigns, particularly in Aceh and North Sumatra.[citation needed] The status of the varieties Rumphius described — including the Ginji Papoua — is unknown.

Dispersal context

The Ginji Papoua is the earliest documented cannabis from the Papuan and Sula Islands region. The standard account of cannabis in the western Pacific posits a late introduction — the Wikipedia article on cannabis in Papua New Guinea, for example, states that the plant "is believed to have been introduced to PNG by Australian and American expatriates in the 1960s-1970s." Rumphius's description predates this narrative by three centuries and records a morphologically distinct, locally named variety, suggesting an established rather than recent presence.

Cannabis pollen in Madagascar

Evidence for the antiquity of cannabis in the Austronesian world comes from the opposite end of the Indian Ocean. At Lake Tritrivakely in the central highlands of Madagascar, cannabis or Humulus pollen (the two genera are difficult to distinguish palynologically) appears in a sediment core at an interpolated date of approximately 2,200 cal yr BP (c. 200 BCE).[6][7] A second site, Lake Kavitaha, shows cannabis pollen around AD 500.[8] Cannabis has no natural range in Madagascar; Burney et al. treat its pollen as a proxy for human presence, listing it alongside other indicators including microscopic charcoal, modified animal bones and ruderal pollen.[7]

The settlement of Madagascar by Austronesian-speaking peoples from Island Southeast Asia is well established through linguistic, genetic and archaeological evidence.[9] Crowther et al. (2016) documented Asian cultigens including rice, mung bean and cotton as the "first archaeological signature of the westward Austronesian expansion" in East Africa and the Comoros Islands.[9] Pearce and Pearce (2010) argue that this migration followed an established transoceanic trade route, the Cinnamon Route, which used the Equatorial Current from the Spice Islands to East Africa.[10]

Kirch has described the ensemble of plants, animals and cultural technologies that Austronesian colonizers carried into new settlements as a "transported landscape."[11] Whether cannabis formed part of this transported landscape has not been directly investigated. The Madagascar pollen data has been discussed in the context of human settlement chronology, with cannabis treated as a marker for human presence rather than as a subject of dispersal study in its own right.[7][8]

The Makassar trade route and Australia

The Papuan and Sula Islands, Rumphius's source for the Ginji Papoua, lie within a region connected by long-distance maritime trade networks. Makassan trepangers from Sulawesi sailed annually to Arnhem Land in northern Australia to harvest sea cucumbers, a trade documented from the mid-seventeenth century and possibly considerably older.[12] Macknight recorded physical evidence of Makassan campsites along the northern Australian coast and documented the exchange of tobacco with Yolngu communities through these networks.[12]

A cannabis variety known as Australian Bastard Cannabis (ABC), first documented near Sydney in the 1970s, has been noted for its unusual morphology: compact growth, with small curled and wrinkled leaves that lack typical cannabis serration, making it difficult to identify as cannabis.[citation needed] The morphological description bears similarities to Rumphius's description of the Ginji Papoua ("curled and wrinkled" foliage, compact habit). No genetic or botanical comparison between the two has been conducted.[citation needed]

See also

References

  1. 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 Jarvis, C.E. (2019). "Georg Rumphius' Herbarium Amboinense (1741–1750) as a source of information for Carl Linnaeus." Gardens' Bulletin Singapore 71 (Suppl. 2): 87–107.
  2. 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 Beekman, E.M. (2011). The Ambonese Herbal, vol. 1, Introduction. New Haven: Yale University Press.
  3. 3.00 3.01 3.02 3.03 3.04 3.05 3.06 3.07 3.08 3.09 Rumphius, G.E. (1747). Herbarium Amboinense, vol. 5, pp. 208–211, Tab. LXXVII. Amsterdam: Changuion, Uytwerf & Catuffe. BHL.
  4. 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 Merrill, E.D. (1917). An Interpretation of Rumphius's Herbarium Amboinense, p. 199. Manila: Bureau of Printing. BHL.
  5. Template:Cite web
  6. Burney, D.A. (1987). "Late Holocene vegetational change in central Madagascar." Quaternary Research 28(1): 130–143.
  7. 7.0 7.1 7.2 Burney, D.A. et al. (2004). "A chronology for late prehistoric Madagascar." Journal of Human Evolution 47(1–2): 25–63.
  8. 8.0 8.1 Blench, R. (2007). "New palaeozoogeographical evidence for the settlement of Madagascar." Azania 42: 69–82.
  9. 9.0 9.1 Crowther, A. et al. (2016). "Ancient crops provide first archaeological signature of the westward Austronesian expansion." PNAS 113(24): 6635–6640.
  10. Pearce, C.E.M. and Pearce, F.M. (2010). Oceanic Migration: Paths, Sequence, Timing and Range of Prehistoric Migration in the Pacific and Indian Oceans, pp. 67–85. Dordrecht: Springer.
  11. Kirch, P.V. (2000). On the Road of the Winds: An Archaeological History of the Pacific Islands Before European Contact, pp. 109, 126–129. Berkeley: University of California Press.
  12. 12.0 12.1 Macknight, C.C. (1976). The Voyage to Marege': Macassan Trepangers in Northern Australia. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press.

Further reading

  • Beekman, E.M. (2011). The Ambonese Herbal, vols. 1–6. New Haven: Yale University Press.
  • Merrill, E.D. (1917). An Interpretation of Rumphius's Herbarium Amboinense. Manila: Bureau of Printing. BHL.
  • Wit, H.C.D. de (ed.) (1959). Rumphius Memorial Volume. Baarn: Hollandia.